English Language Arts: Supporting Claims (TEKS.ELA.9-12.8.E.ii)
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Texas High School ELA › English Language Arts: Supporting Claims (TEKS.ELA.9-12.8.E.ii)
Texas should require comprehensive winterization of power plants and gas infrastructure because the expected benefits outweigh the upfront costs. A 2023 probabilistic risk assessment by grid analysts estimates that hardening critical equipment would reduce statewide outage hours during extreme cold by 62 percent, cutting expected economic losses by roughly $8.4 billion per decade. An ERCOT reliability engineer testified that modern heat tracing and enclosure retrofits have failure rates below one percent when maintained quarterly. The logic is straightforward: when the product of failure probability and consequence dwarfs prevention costs, rational policy selects prevention. El Paso's utilities, which winterized after 2011, kept service stable during 2021's freeze while surrounding regions shed load; their incremental rate impact remained under two dollars monthly. Opponents argue that prescriptive standards could stifle market innovation and burden rural plants. Yet the proposal embeds performance-based targets, letting operators choose least-cost paths, and offers phased compliance for small facilities. A case study of three Panhandle generators shows a seven-to-one benefit–cost ratio when fuel delivery protections are added. In short, diverse evidence—quantitative models, expert testimony, comparative outcomes, and economic reasoning—converges: robust winterization is the most reliable, economically prudent safeguard for Texans. Resilience investments also protect hospitals and water systems.
Which evidence most effectively supports the author's claim that robust winterization is the most economically prudent way to ensure grid reliability in Texas?
The probabilistic risk assessment projecting a 62 percent reduction in outage hours and billions in avoided losses
The ERCOT engineer's testimony that specific retrofits have failure rates below one percent
Opponents' concern that prescriptive standards could stifle innovation and burden rural plants
The El Paso case showing stable service during a freeze with a small rate impact
Explanation
The risk assessment quantifies systemwide reliability gains and monetized loss reductions, directly addressing economic prudence; the other options are narrower, localized, or not supportive.
Schools should adopt standardized, phone-free classrooms to maximize learning while preserving essential communication. A meta-analysis of 42 studies found that restricting nonacademic phone use raised average test performance by 0.22 standard deviations, with the largest gains among previously low-performing students. Cognitive psychologist Dr. Lena Ortiz explains that intermittent notifications trigger task-switching costs that persist for several minutes even when the device remains silent on the desk. The logic follows attention economics: scarce working memory should be shielded from engineered distractions the way labs shield samples from contamination. After a large suburban district implemented lockable pouches, course failures fell 13 percent and attendance improved, while campus safety metrics remained unchanged. Critics argue that bans imperil emergency response or isolate families. Yet districts that schedule phone check-ins at lunch, deploy classroom landlines, and authorize administrator overrides during crises report rapid parent contact without reintroducing ambient distraction. A rural high school piloting a doors-open, phones-closed policy documented faster evacuations because students watched staff rather than screens for cues. The varied evidence—quantitative gains, expert mechanisms, case studies, and operational safeguards—supports a nuanced conclusion: structured phone-free instruction, paired with controlled access points, strengthens equity and learning without sacrificing safety or reasonable communication overall for all.
How does the author use counterarguments to strengthen the case for phone-free classrooms?
By dismissing safety concerns as baseless and asserting that bans are universally superior
By acknowledging safety and communication needs, then specifying structured exceptions and tools that meet those needs without reintroducing distraction
By emphasizing that parents' worries are purely emotional and therefore irrelevant to policy design
By using a fear-based anecdote about evacuations to pressure compliance without addressing logistics
Explanation
The author concedes safety and communication concerns, then qualifies the policy with concrete procedures and tools that solve those concerns while preserving attention, turning the counterargument into support.
Texas cities should expand urban tree canopy in heat-vulnerable neighborhoods because targeted greening measurably reduces health risks at reasonable cost. A statewide analysis linking satellite temperature data with hospital records shows that census tracts in the hottest decile experience 18 percent higher heat-related emergency visits controlling for income and age. According to a Texas A&M climatologist, shade from mid-density canopy can lower afternoon sidewalk temperatures by 9 to 12 degrees through combined evapotranspiration and radiative effects. In San Antonio's Cool Corridors pilot, adding drought-tolerant trees along bus routes coincided with a 21 percent decline in heat illness calls within two summers, while average per-tree maintenance stayed under forty dollars annually. The logic mirrors public health vaccination: small, distributed interventions shift population risk curves. Critics warn that trees consume scarce water and complicate line clearance. Yet city foresters have demonstrated reclaimed-water irrigation, root barriers, and species mixes that reduce conflict without sacrificing cooling benefits. A case-control study across three Texas metros found that a five-point canopy increase was associated with a 10 percent drop in hot-season ER visits and yielded costs per life-year saved below common safety benchmarks. Strategic canopy growth is practical, equitable, and data-verified. It protects workers and elders.
Which evidence most directly and convincingly supports the claim that expanding tree canopy reduces heat-related health harms at reasonable cost in Texas cities?
The statewide correlation showing the hottest tracts have more heat-related ER visits, controlling for demographics
The expert explanation that shade lowers surface temperatures by 9 to 12 degrees
The multi-metro case-control study linking a five-point canopy increase to a 10 percent ER drop with favorable cost per life-year saved
The critics' warning that trees consume scarce water and complicate line clearance
Explanation
The case-control study ties canopy increases to health outcomes and includes a cost-effectiveness metric, directly supporting the claim about reduced harm at reasonable cost.
Public libraries should eliminate late fines because fines suppress access without meaningfully improving return rates. A comparative analysis of 28 systems found that after fine removal, on-time returns dipped briefly, then stabilized within three months while total circulation rose 16 percent. The professional association's policy panel notes that fines function more as regressive user fees than as effective incentives. Logic supports this: if the marginal cost of delay is small, punitive fees primarily ration by income, not responsibility. Chicago's case study reported a 240 percent increase in returned long-overdue items following amnesty, and Denver offset foregone fine revenue with higher membership, small grants, and automated reminders. Critics argue that abolishing fines invites moral hazard and deprives libraries of crucial operating funds. Yet multi-year budget reviews show fine revenue typically comprised under one percent of operating income, and item availability improved when queue management and renewal caps were paired with clearer due-date notices. A randomized pilot of text and email nudges cut extreme overdues by 35 percent without any monetary penalties. Taken together, the evidence—cross-system data, expert evaluation, causal mechanisms, and institutional case studies—demonstrates that fine-free policies increase access and stewardship while maintaining collection turnover. Communities benefit from broader, fairer participation.
Which analysis best captures how the author responds to claims that eliminating fines causes moral hazard and revenue loss?
The author insists fines are immoral and refuses to discuss budgets
The author replaces fines with harsher penalties, showing deterrence still matters
The author argues that amnesty stories prove fines always work and should be kept
The author presents multi-year revenue data showing fines are under one percent, evidence that returns improve with nudges and queue policies, and case studies showing replacement funding, reframing the counterargument as an operational challenge
Explanation
The author addresses the counterargument with budget data, behavioral evidence, and case studies that demonstrate practical alternatives, thereby reframing the issue as solvable operations rather than a fatal flaw.
Texas should prioritize building state-owned middle-mile broadband in rural counties to catalyze resilient, market-driven last-mile expansion more efficiently than subsidy-only approaches. A 2022 regression across all 254 Texas counties—controlling for income, education, and industry mix—found that a 10 Mbps gain in median upload speed predicted a 2.1% increase in small-business revenue and a 1.4-point rise in labor-force participation, indicating broadband quality yields measurable economic gains, not just access. A Texas-based economist testified that public middle-mile reduces capital risk, crowds in private providers, and lowers backhaul prices that currently deter rural builds. In Llano County, a pilot linking libraries and electric co-ops cut backhaul costs by 38% and, within nine months, two providers expanded fiber to unserved ranch roads. Network externalities amplify these effects: when the backbone is reliable, more firms enter, prices fall, and usage deepens. Critics warn state projects displace private investment and impose ongoing costs. Yet matched federal funds offset construction, and procurement rules can target true gaps to avoid duplication. Others claim the market will eventually reach these communities; however, low density and rugged topography push payback periods beyond typical investor horizons. A calibrated public backbone changes those fundamentals without dictating retail service.
Which evidence most directly substantiates the author's claim that state-led middle-mile investment produces measurable economic gains in rural Texas rather than merely expanding access?
The statewide regression showing higher upload speeds correlate with gains in small-business revenue and labor-force participation after controlling for key confounds
The general point that network externalities tend to increase competition when infrastructure improves
The note that federal matching funds can offset construction costs for state projects
The expert's statement that public investment can crowd in private providers
Explanation
The regression across 254 Texas counties provides direct, outcome-based support tying improved broadband quality to economic gains. The other options are relevant but either theoretical, cost-related, or about investment behavior—not economic results.
The district should shift high school start times later because the academic, health, and safety benefits outweigh scheduling frictions, and those frictions can be managed. A meta-analysis of 29 quasi-experiments found small but reliable GPA increases, significant drops in tardiness, and reduced first-period failures after later starts. Pediatric sleep specialists note that adolescent circadian rhythms make early bells biologically misaligned, and they recommend later start windows to align sleep opportunity with learning. In a demographically similar suburban district, pushing the bell by 55 minutes coincided with a 16% decline in teen car crashes and no decline in extracurricular participation after transportation routes were re-optimized. Concerns are real: after-school jobs, athletics, and family logistics matter. The proposal explicitly concedes those constraints and pairs them with targeted remedies—staggered tiers, protected practice blocks under lights, and transportation adjustments modeled to hold total driver hours constant. The data show clubs maintained participation once coaches shifted meeting times and teachers coordinated test calendars. It is not a call to ignore costs; it's an argument that, when the schedule is re-engineered with stakeholder input, later starts deliver durable benefits while mitigating tradeoffs that once seemed inevitable.
Which statement best explains how the author uses counterarguments to strengthen the case for later start times?
The author dismisses opponents as uninformed and replaces their views with expert authority.
The author ignores cost and logistical concerns to keep the argument focused on health outcomes.
The author concedes specific scheduling and activity concerns, then offers targeted refutations backed by empirical outcomes and feasible timetable adjustments.
The author relies on emotional appeals about tired teenagers rather than addressing structural issues.
Explanation
The passage acknowledges concrete objections (jobs, athletics, logistics) and responds with evidence and workable scheduling solutions, a concession–refutation strategy that strengthens the argument.
Texas should adopt performance-based winterization benchmarks tied to market penalties rather than uniform prescriptive checklists, because incentives aligned to real conditions yield higher reliability at lower cost. An event-study using ERCOT outage and temperature data from 2011–2023 found that units in the top quartile of performance scores experienced 37% fewer weather-related outages and 9% lower year-over-year operations and maintenance cost growth compared with units complying under blanket rules in neighboring markets. A University-based energy-law scholar testified that performance standards can be enforced through existing authority, with penalties calibrated to delivered power during extreme hours. In the Panhandle, a combined-cycle plant that prioritized sensor redundancy and enclosure retrofits avoided derates during single-digit temperatures and recouped its capital outlay over three winters through avoided penalties and ancillary revenue. Critics warn that plants might game metrics or pass compliance costs through to ratepayers. The proposal answers with independent third-party audits, real-time telemetry, and penalties keyed to verifiable output, reducing room for manipulation while rewarding genuine resilience. By focusing on outcomes rather than checklists, the state can recognize regional variability—what works on the coast may differ from the High Plains—without forcing excessive spending where it adds little reliability.
Which evidence most directly supports the claim that performance-based benchmarks improve reliability while containing costs?
The plan for independent audits and real-time telemetry to monitor compliance
The legal expert's testimony that the commission can enforce performance standards under existing authority
The single-plant case showing retrofits paid back within three winters
The event-study finding that top-quartile performers had fewer weather outages and lower operations cost growth than units under blanket rules
Explanation
The event-study provides system-level, comparative outcomes on reliability and cost—exactly the claim. The audit plan and legal feasibility address implementation, and the single-plant case is suggestive but narrow.
A hybrid policy that pairs modest point-of-sale fees with producer responsibility outperforms outright bans on single-use plastics because it changes both consumer behavior and upstream design. A difference-in-differences analysis across 42 cities found that fee-plus-responsibility regimes produced sustained reductions in plastic litter (about 28%) and increased durable-bag use (about 17%) without a compensatory spike in paper waste, whereas ban-only policies saw early gains followed by rebounds as thicker bags proliferated. A waste-stream economist notes that fees create a transparent price signal at checkout while producer responsibility funds redesign and recovery infrastructure, reducing total material throughput. In one coastal county, a deposit-refund pilot increased return rates for takeout containers and cut cleanup costs season over season. Critics argue small businesses bear compliance burdens and that low-income shoppers are hit hardest. The hybrid model addresses both: phase-in periods, per-bag fee caps, and revenue-funded rebates protect margins and households, and time-motion studies show checkout speeds unchanged after brief adjustment. By aligning incentives at both ends of the chain, the hybrid approach avoids substitution effects that erode ban benefits and builds stable funding for waste reduction.
Which evidence most convincingly shows that the hybrid approach outperforms outright bans over time?
The moral assertion that reducing plastic is a matter of environmental stewardship
The multi-city difference-in-differences finding of sustained litter reductions and higher durable-bag use without rebound compared to ban-only policies
The expert's view that the hybrid is a 'smarter' policy because it changes incentives
The coastal county pilot's improved return rates and lower cleanup costs
Explanation
The cross-city difference-in-differences result directly compares outcomes over time and shows sustained advantages for the hybrid model. The expert opinion and single-case pilot are supportive but less decisive; the moral claim is not empirical.