Multiple Genres: Analyzing Argumentative Texts: Counterarguments (TEKS.ELA.8.8.E.ii)
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Texas 8th Grade ELA › Multiple Genres: Analyzing Argumentative Texts: Counterarguments (TEKS.ELA.8.8.E.ii)
Texas middle schools should start no earlier than 8:45 a.m. because later start times match how adolescents actually learn. The Texas Education Agency reported that in 32 districts that delayed the first bell by at least 45 minutes, tardies fell 12 percent and first-period course failures dropped 8 percent within a year, while overall attendance ticked up 2 percent. Sleep specialists explain why: according to Dr. Elena Ramirez of UT Southwestern, teens' circadian rhythms shift during puberty, making it hard to fall asleep before 11 p.m., so an earlier bell simply steals rest that supports memory and mood. In Laredo ISD's pilot, eighth-grade reading benchmark scores rose three percentile points, and nurse visits for headaches before lunch declined by 15 percent. Some argue that later starts would disrupt after-school activities and bus schedules. Yet districts that switched addressed those concerns by staggering practice times, using portable lights when needed, and consolidating routes so transportation costs rose by less than 1 percent. The goal is not convenience; it is to schedule school when students' brains are ready. The evidence shows that when Texas students sleep more, they show up, struggle less, and learn more.
Which evidence most effectively supports the author's claim that Texas middle schools should start no earlier than 8:45 a.m.?
Dr. Elena Ramirez explains teens' circadian rhythms make early bells steal essential sleep.
Laredo ISD's pilot saw nurse visits for headaches before lunch drop 15 percent.
Some argue later starts would disrupt after-school activities and bus schedules.
TEA found in 32 districts that delayed at least 45 minutes, tardies fell 12 percent and first-period failures dropped 8 percent.
Explanation
Choice D gives directly relevant, statewide data tying later start times to fewer tardies and failures. A is credible expert opinion but less outcome-specific. B is a health indicator, not an academic or attendance outcome. C states a counterargument, not support.
Adding dedicated bus lanes on our busiest corridors will move more people, more reliably, than adding another car lane. A UT Austin transportation engineer notes that a single priority lane can carry 1,800–2,200 bus riders per hour, while a general lane in stop‑and‑go conditions moves 600–900 drivers. On Houston's Post Oak Boulevard, the bus rapid transit line cut travel times about 20 percent and increased on‑time performance to 94 percent during peak hours; nearby businesses reported steady foot traffic instead of construction‑related decline. Critics worry that removing a car lane will trap drivers. That concern deserves respect, which is why the plan pairs bus lanes with traffic-signal priority and protected turns that reduce backups. In pilot simulations, total corridor throughput—buses plus cars—rose because fewer vehicles were stuck weaving around unpredictable stops. We have tried widening highways for decades, and congestion returns as more trips fill the new space. Bus lanes offer a predictable, lower-cost way to give commuters an option that is fast today and scalable tomorrow. When people see a bus that actually beats their car, they board it.
How does the author use counterarguments to strengthen the position in favor of dedicated bus lanes?
By dismissing driver concerns as selfish and refusing to consider them.
By acknowledging lane-loss worries, then citing Post Oak results and a UT Austin study to show a bus lane can move more people and even improve overall travel times.
By presenting only national statistics and no local examples.
By conceding bus lanes will slow traffic but claiming cleaner air makes the slowdown acceptable.
Explanation
The author fairly presents the concern about losing a car lane, then rebuts it with local results and expert data about person-throughput and improved reliability. The other choices describe strategies the author does not use.
To graduate students who participate in their communities, our district should require 20 hours of community service. The goal is not punishment; it is practice. In a comparative study of 15 similar districts, graduates from those with a modest service requirement had voting rates nine percent higher five years after graduation and reported more contact with local officials. Education researcher Dr. Lila Singh argues that repeated, structured service creates "civic muscle," the same way rehearsals build skill in band or athletics. Maryland has required service statewide since 1992, and participation there has coexisted with state-leading college attendance and no major drop in extracurricular involvement. A food bank director told me teenagers who came weekly learned to greet clients, log inventory, and troubleshoot deliveries—transferable skills for any job. Some worry students are already busy. That concern is fair, but schools can schedule service days, accept work with family care organizations, and allow students to choose causes that fit their schedules. If we want graduates who show up for their neighbors and for elections, we should let them practice showing up before they walk the stage.
Which evidence most effectively supports the author's claim that requiring 20 hours of community service improves long-term civic engagement?
A comparative study found graduates from districts with a service requirement had voting rates nine percent higher five years after graduation.
A food bank director says weekly volunteers learned to greet clients, log inventory, and solve delivery problems.
Maryland has required service since 1992 with no major drop in extracurricular involvement.
Schools can schedule service days and accept work with family care organizations.
Explanation
Choice A provides relevant, comparative statistics directly tied to civic engagement (voting). B is an anecdote about skills, C addresses feasibility, and D concerns implementation—not evidence of long-term civic outcomes.
Rural Texas districts should adopt open educational resources—free, high-quality lessons and texts—in place of some costly textbooks. The reason is simple: OER stretch limited dollars without lowering standards. In a Texas Education Agency pilot across 12 rural districts, schools saved about $48 per student each year by replacing a fraction of purchased materials. Quality did not suffer: in one participating district, after teachers aligned open biology units to state standards, unit test scores rose four percentage points compared with the previous year. Librarian Marta Delgado from West Texas notes that OER let teachers fix outdated examples quickly and add local agriculture and energy case studies that make lessons stick. Critics worry about screen time and quality control. Those are solvable: OER can be printed, and the state already curates vetted collections; teachers collaborate in professional learning communities to review and improve materials. Unlike a static book that ages the day it ships, open materials can be updated overnight, keeping content current while budgets stay in balance. When resources are both adaptable and affordable, students win.
Which evidence most effectively supports the author's claim that adopting OER can maintain quality while reducing costs in Texas's rural districts?
A librarian explains that open materials let teachers fix outdated examples and add local case studies.
OER can be printed, and the state curates vetted collections that teachers review in professional learning communities.
In a TEA pilot across 12 rural districts, schools saved about $48 per student annually, and one district's biology unit test scores rose four percentage points after aligning open units to standards.
Critics worry about screen time and quality control.
Explanation
Choice C combines concrete cost savings with a measurable quality outcome tied to standards, directly supporting the claim. A and B are plausible but mainly descriptive. D states a concern, not supporting evidence.
Schools that shift start times to 8:30 a.m. or later see measurable gains in student success. In a review of 18 districts, schools that moved their first bell from before 8:00 to after 8:30 saw average English and math scores rise by 12% within a year, while tardiness dropped 21%. Sleep medicine specialists explain that adolescent circadian rhythms make it physiologically difficult to fall asleep early; as Dr. Lina Perez notes, starting later aligns school with biology. In Austin, one middle school that adopted a later start reported that its after-school robotics team still met, and participation held steady. The logic is straightforward: when teenagers get the recommended hours of sleep, attention, memory, and mood improve, which boosts learning. Some argue that later starts disrupt after-school activities and parent work schedules. Yet districts that adjusted bus routes and practice times reported no decline in extracurricular participation and a small decrease in after-school accidents. The weight of data, expert guidance, real-world examples, and reasoning all point to the same conclusion: later starts help students learn. The change benefits families, too.
Which evidence most effectively supports the author's claim that later start times improve academic outcomes?
A review of 18 districts found that delaying the first bell to after 8:30 correlated with a 12% rise in English and math scores within a year.
An Austin school reported that its robotics team still met and participation held steady after shifting start times.
Some people argue that later starts disrupt after-school activities and parent work schedules.
The passage notes that teens feel better when they are not sleepy during class.
Explanation
Choice A directly links later start times to higher test scores, providing relevant, measurable support; the other options are anecdotal, oppositional, or emotional rather than strong evidence for academic improvement.
To reduce dangerous urban heat in Houston, the city should invest in expanding its tree canopy along streets and around schools. The Texas A&M Forest Service reports that neighborhoods with at least 30% canopy cover can be up to 9 degrees cooler on summer afternoons than areas with sparse trees. An urban planning professor at a Houston university explains that shade not only cools sidewalks but also lowers indoor temperatures by blocking solar gain on walls and windows. San Antonio's tree-planting initiative along bus corridors offers a concrete example: after 1,500 trees were planted, surface temperatures at sampled stops dropped, and riders reported shorter perceived wait times. The logic is simple: more shade means less heat absorbed by pavement and buildings, which reduces heat islands and energy use. Critics argue that planting and maintaining trees is too expensive. Yet Houston's own pilot on the East End recorded an estimated 14% reduction in nearby electricity demand during heat waves, savings that help offset maintenance costs; civic groups also adopted blocks, reducing city labor. By anticipating the cost concern and answering it with local data, the case for more trees becomes even stronger.
How does the author use a counterargument to strengthen the case for expanding Houston's tree canopy?
The author ignores the concern about cost and focuses only on comfort and shade.
The author acknowledges cost concerns and responds with local evidence of energy savings and community maintenance support.
The author dismisses opponents by claiming they do not care about heat safety.
The author relies on fear about heat waves without providing specific data.
Explanation
The passage anticipates the cost objection and directly answers it with Houston pilot data showing energy savings and volunteer support, which strengthens the argument by addressing the strongest opposing point.
Statewide schools should require a semester of financial literacy before high school. National testing shows that 1 in 3 teens cannot calculate the total cost of a small loan with interest, leaving them vulnerable to costly mistakes. A veteran economics teacher explains that students who practice budgeting and evaluate credit offers in class are less likely to be swayed by advertising. In a multi-district pilot, schools that embedded a financial literacy unit into math and social studies reported that the change took four weeks and did not reduce performance in other subjects. Logic supports the move: understanding how interest, savings, and insurance work helps students plan, avoid fees, and build stability. Some worry that adding a requirement will crowd schedules. However, a university study that tracked students from districts with required courses found that, two years after the class, participants had higher savings rates and fewer missed payments than peers who did not take it. Examples from neighboring states echo this pattern, showing lower reliance on high-interest payday loans among graduates who received instruction. The benefits extend beyond the classroom.
Which piece of evidence most strongly supports the claim that requiring a financial literacy course improves students' long-term outcomes?
A student said the budgeting project was fun and made them feel confident.
A national test shows many teens struggle to calculate loan costs.
A university study found that students who took required courses had higher savings and fewer missed payments two years later.
Isn't it obvious that learning about money helps you avoid mistakes?
Explanation
Choice C presents credible, longitudinal evidence connecting the course to improved financial behavior, while the other choices are anecdotal, descriptive of a problem, or rely on rhetorical appeal.
Texas should expand intercity passenger rail connecting Dallas–Fort Worth, Austin, and San Antonio to ease congestion and support growth. According to a recent statewide mobility report, commuters in these corridors lose an average of 54 hours each year sitting in traffic, costing households hundreds in wasted fuel. A transportation engineering professor from a major Texas university notes that reliable rail can move the equivalent of several highway lanes during peak periods without widening roads. The success of the Trinity Railway Express between Dallas and Fort Worth shows demand for alternatives; when service increased, ridership rose, and downtown employers reported improved on-time arrivals. The reasoning is clear: shifting even a small share of trips to rail reduces cars on the road, smoothing traffic for those who still drive. Critics argue that rail is too expensive to build in a sprawling state. Yet independent analyses project that, over 30 years, avoided road expansion, reduced crash costs, and economic development around stations can offset much of the upfront expense. By confronting the cost concern and answering with long-term, Texas-based evidence, expanding rail emerges as a sensible solution.
Which evidence best supports the author's claim that passenger rail can reduce congestion on Texas highways?
Commuters currently lose an average of 54 hours a year in traffic.
Some critics argue that rail is too expensive to build.
When service increased on the Trinity Railway Express, ridership rose and employers reported improved on-time arrivals.
An engineering professor explains that reliable rail can move the equivalent of several highway lanes during peak periods without widening roads.
Explanation
Choice D directly connects rail capacity to reduced roadway demand, logically supporting congestion relief; the other options either describe the problem, present a counterargument, or offer a less direct example.