Evidence in Text
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Philosopher of science Ingrid Lemaire claims that in early twentieth-century physics, the rapid acceptance of a new theory was accelerated less by experimental confirmation than by its mathematical elegance, which made it easier to teach and extend. Lemaire argues that textbooks and lecture notes should adopt the theory before definitive experiments are widely cited. Which evidence would best support Lemaire’s argument?
Laboratory notebooks show researchers replicated key experiments immediately, and teaching materials followed only afterward.
University lecture notes adopt the theory’s formalism years before they include references to later experiments as justification.
Scientists in unrelated fields used “elegant” rhetoric frequently, suggesting the term was common regardless of theory acceptance.
Popular science magazines praised the theory’s beauty, but advanced textbooks avoided it until long after 1930.
Explanation
The philosopher claims that early twentieth-century physics theory acceptance was accelerated more by mathematical elegance enabling teaching and extension than by experimental confirmation, predicting textbooks should adopt the theory before citing definitive experiments. To support this, we'd need evidence showing pedagogical adoption preceding experimental justification. Choice A directly supports Lemaire's argument by showing university lecture notes adopt the theory's formalism years before including references to later experiments as justification, confirming that teachability drove early adoption before experimental validation. Choice B contradicts the claim by showing experiments came first. Choice C shows popular but not academic adoption. Choice D discusses rhetoric patterns without addressing the timing of theory adoption. In history of science, evidence of pedagogical materials adopting theoretical frameworks before experimental confirmation demonstrates the role of mathematical elegance in scientific acceptance.
Public health scholar Nadia El-Sayed argues that during heat waves, opening “cooling centers” reduces heat-related hospitalizations mainly by providing social information networks (neighbors telling neighbors where to go), not simply by adding air-conditioned space. El-Sayed predicts that neighborhoods with stronger preexisting social ties will show larger hospitalization declines after centers open. Which finding, if true, would most directly support El-Sayed’s hypothesis?
Hospitalizations fell most in neighborhoods with higher social-cohesion survey scores, despite similar distances to cooling centers.
Hospitalizations fell equally across neighborhoods, and the strongest predictor was the number of square meters of cooled space.
In a different city, distributing fans reduced heat illness, suggesting multiple interventions can work during heat waves.
Cooling centers were used more on weekends, but hospitalization data were aggregated monthly, obscuring daily relationships.
Explanation
The public health scholar argues that cooling centers reduce heat hospitalizations mainly by providing social information networks where neighbors tell neighbors, not simply by adding cooled space, predicting larger effects in neighborhoods with stronger preexisting social ties. To support this, we'd need evidence showing differential effects based on social cohesion levels despite similar physical access. Choice A directly supports El-Sayed's hypothesis by showing hospitalizations fell most in neighborhoods with higher social-cohesion survey scores despite similar distances to cooling centers, confirming the social network mechanism over mere physical proximity. Choice B contradicts the hypothesis by showing equal effects predicted only by cooled space. Choice C provides insufficient temporal resolution to test the mechanism. Choice D discusses a different intervention entirely. In public health research, demonstrating that social factors moderate intervention effectiveness independent of physical access strongly supports social mechanism hypotheses.
Education researcher Samuel Deen claims that frequent low-stakes quizzes improve long-term retention in high school biology primarily through retrieval practice, not through increased study time. Deen argues that if retrieval practice is the mechanism, quiz benefits should remain even when total assigned study time is held constant across classes. Which finding, if true, would most directly support Deen’s hypothesis?
Quiz classes spent more time reviewing material outside class, and their retention gains disappeared when review time was reduced.
Classes with quizzes retained more after eight weeks even though both groups had identical homework minutes and study guides.
In college chemistry, quizzes improved grades, suggesting retrieval practice works similarly across subjects and ages.
Quizzes increased students’ enjoyment of biology, but retention was measured only on the day after the unit ended.
Explanation
The education researcher claims that frequent quizzes improve retention through retrieval practice, not increased study time, predicting benefits should remain when total study time is held constant. To support this, we'd need evidence showing quiz benefits persist even when study time is controlled across comparison groups. Choice A directly supports Deen's hypothesis by showing classes with quizzes retained more after eight weeks even though both groups had identical homework minutes and study guides, isolating the retrieval practice effect from study time differences. Choice B contradicts the hypothesis by showing benefits disappeared when review time was controlled. Choice C only measures immediate retention, not the long-term effects Deen claims. Choice D discusses a different subject and age group without controlling for study time. In educational research, controlling for time-on-task while measuring long-term outcomes provides the strongest test of specific learning mechanisms.
Geologist Mira Feldman argues that a set of unusually smooth basalt boulders in the Drygate Desert were shaped primarily by wind abrasion during a prolonged arid period from 20,000 to 15,000 years ago, not by river transport. Feldman claims the boulders’ surface textures should match known wind-polished features and that nearby sediments should lack fluvial sorting from that interval. Which discovery would most strongly undermine Feldman’s theory?
Boulder surfaces exhibit micro-pitting patterns consistent with sandblasting and match textures from modern wind-polished rocks.
Regional climate proxies indicate arid conditions persisted during 20,000–15,000 years ago across much of the desert basin.
Sediment layers dated 18,000 years ago show rounded gravels with clear size sorting typical of sustained river flow.
Some boulders show thin desert varnish layers that formed after 12,000 years ago, indicating long surface exposure.
Explanation
The geologist argues that smooth basalt boulders were shaped by wind abrasion during 20,000-15,000 years ago, not river transport, predicting wind-polished surface textures and lack of fluvial sorting in contemporary sediments. To undermine this theory, we'd need evidence of water transport during that specific time period. Choice A strongly undermines Feldman's theory by showing sediment layers from 18,000 years ago (within the proposed arid period) with rounded gravels showing clear size sorting typical of sustained river flow, directly contradicting the claim of wind-only conditions and demonstrating fluvial activity when Feldman claims there was none. Choice B supports the wind abrasion theory by confirming wind-polished textures. Choice C supports the arid conditions Feldman proposes. Choice D discusses later surface exposure but doesn't address the formation period. In geological interpretation, sedimentary evidence of transport mechanisms from specific time periods provides definitive tests of formation hypotheses.
In an analysis of online misinformation, researcher Tomas Ibarra claims that adding a short “accuracy reminder” prompt before users share an article reduces the sharing of false headlines primarily by shifting attention to truthfulness, not by making users more cautious about sharing anything. Ibarra predicts the prompt will reduce false sharing more than true sharing. Which finding, if true, would most directly support Ibarra’s claim?
Prompts increased users’ time on site, but researchers did not track whether the shared headlines were true or false.
After prompts, false-headline sharing dropped substantially while true-headline sharing changed little, and users rated accuracy as more important.
Prompts reduced sharing only among older users, suggesting age differences in platform familiarity drive the effect.
After prompts, users shared fewer items overall, with equal proportional reductions for true and false headlines.
Explanation
The researcher claims that accuracy reminder prompts reduce false headline sharing primarily by shifting attention to truthfulness, not by making users generally more cautious, predicting false sharing will decrease more than true sharing. To support this, we'd need evidence showing differential effects on false versus true content sharing, with users explicitly valuing accuracy more. Choice B directly supports Ibarra's claim by showing false-headline sharing dropped substantially while true-headline sharing changed little, and users rated accuracy as more important, confirming both the differential effect and the attention-shift mechanism. Choice A contradicts the hypothesis by showing equal proportional reductions for both types. Choice C introduces an irrelevant age variable. Choice D fails to distinguish between true and false headlines, making it unable to test the specific claim. In misinformation research, demonstrating selective effects on false content while measuring the proposed cognitive mechanism provides the strongest support.
Computer scientist Farah Qureshi claims that for novice programmers, reading short, well-commented code examples improves debugging skill primarily by teaching pattern recognition for common errors, not by increasing general confidence. Qureshi predicts improvement will be largest on bug types explicitly shown in the examples. Which finding, if true, would most directly support Qureshi’s hypothesis?
Novices who watched motivational videos improved debugging speed, implying confidence interventions can substitute for code examples.
After training, novices fixed bugs faster mainly for error patterns included in examples, while confidence scores stayed unchanged.
After training, novices reported higher confidence and improved equally on all bug types, including ones never shown.
Advanced programmers benefited more than novices, suggesting prior knowledge, not pattern exposure, drives debugging improvement.
Explanation
The computer scientist claims that code examples improve novice debugging primarily through pattern recognition for common errors, not general confidence building, predicting largest improvements on bug types shown in examples. To support this, we'd need evidence showing selective improvement on demonstrated patterns without confidence changes. Choice A directly supports Qureshi's hypothesis by showing novices fixed bugs faster mainly for error patterns included in examples while confidence scores stayed unchanged, confirming the pattern-recognition mechanism and ruling out the confidence explanation. Choice B contradicts the hypothesis by showing equal improvement on all bug types with increased confidence. Choice C suggests prior knowledge matters more than pattern exposure. Choice D proposes confidence alone can improve debugging. In computer science education research, demonstrating content-specific learning effects while measuring and controlling for affective factors provides strong mechanistic evidence.
Media historian Celeste Morin argues that the rise of serialized cliffhangers in 1910s radio dramas was primarily a response to advertising schedules, not audience taste. Morin claims writers structured suspenseful episode endings to keep listeners through sponsor messages and to ensure return after predictable ad breaks. Which finding, if true, would most directly challenge Morin’s claim?
By the 1920s, some dramas reduced cliffhangers as broadcast technology improved and signal reliability increased.
Listener letters frequently mention excitement about suspenseful endings, but do not discuss advertisements or scheduling concerns.
Scripts show cliffhangers consistently placed immediately before sponsor messages, and stations reported higher ad retention rates.
Cliffhangers became common first in ad-free public broadcasts, while heavily sponsored programs adopted them later.
Explanation
The media historian claims that 1910s radio drama cliffhangers arose primarily as a response to advertising schedules to keep listeners through sponsor messages, not from audience taste. To challenge this claim, we'd need evidence showing cliffhangers developed independent of advertising concerns. Choice A directly challenges Morin's claim by showing cliffhangers became common first in ad-free public broadcasts while heavily sponsored programs adopted them later, reversing the predicted pattern and suggesting audience taste rather than advertising drove the innovation. Choice B supports Morin by showing cliffhangers placed before sponsor messages with improved ad retention. Choice C doesn't address the advertising relationship. Choice D discusses later changes unrelated to origins. In media history, temporal sequences showing innovations appearing first in non-commercial contexts strongly challenge commercial-driver hypotheses.
Behavioral ecologist Owen Hart argues that in a particular island lizard species, brighter throat coloration in males signals immune strength rather than dominance alone. Hart’s mechanism is that pigment production competes with immune investment, so only healthier males can maintain brighter coloration while resisting parasites. Which finding, if true, would most directly support Hart’s hypothesis?
Females preferred brighter males in mate-choice trials, though researchers did not measure immunity or parasites.
On a different island, coloration varied with habitat background, suggesting camouflage pressures influence throat brightness.
Brighter males won more fights, but parasite loads were similar across males of different coloration.
Brighter males had lower parasite loads and maintained coloration after an immune challenge, unlike duller males.
Explanation
The behavioral ecologist argues that brighter throat coloration signals immune strength rather than dominance alone, proposing that pigment production competes with immune investment so only healthier males maintain brightness while resisting parasites. To support this, we'd need evidence linking coloration to both immune function and parasite resistance. Choice A directly supports Hart's hypothesis by showing brighter males had lower parasite loads and maintained coloration after an immune challenge unlike duller males, confirming both the health advantage and the trade-off between pigmentation and immunity under stress. Choice B shows dominance effects without addressing immunity or parasites. Choice C measures preference without testing the immune mechanism. Choice D suggests environmental rather than physiological drivers of coloration. In behavioral ecology, demonstrating physiological trade-offs and fitness correlates provides strong evidence for honest signaling hypotheses.
Economist Jae-Min Park argues that a city’s introduction of congestion pricing reduces downtown retail sales only in the first two months because shoppers initially misperceive the fee as unpredictable, but then adapt once they learn the consistent pricing schedule. Park’s mechanism is about learning and predictability, not long-term reduced access. Which finding, if true, would most directly support Park’s hypothesis?
Retail sales fell for a year after pricing began, and surveys showed shoppers still could not name the fee schedule.
Sales declined briefly, and by month three most shoppers accurately reported the fixed fee times and amounts.
In another city with variable fees, sales did not change, suggesting pricing rarely affects retail behavior.
Sales rose in neighborhoods outside downtown after pricing began, but shoppers’ beliefs about predictability were unmeasured.
Explanation
The economist claims that congestion pricing reduces downtown retail sales only in the first two months because shoppers initially misperceive the fee as unpredictable but adapt once they learn the consistent schedule. To support this, we'd need evidence showing both temporary sales decline AND that shoppers learn to accurately understand the predictable fee structure. Choice B directly supports Park's hypothesis by showing sales declined briefly (matching the two-month timeframe) and that by month three most shoppers accurately reported the fixed fee times and amounts, confirming they learned the predictable schedule. Choice A contradicts the hypothesis by showing prolonged sales decline and continued inability to understand fees. Choice C doesn't measure shoppers' beliefs about predictability, which is central to Park's mechanism. Choice D suggests pricing doesn't affect behavior at all, contradicting the premise. When testing behavioral economics hypotheses about learning and adaptation, evidence must track both the behavior change and the proposed cognitive mechanism.
Literary scholar Amara Velez claims that in the novel Harbor of Ash, the author uses recurring descriptions of fog to signal the protagonist’s deliberate self-deception, not merely external uncertainty. Velez argues that the fog imagery intensifies specifically when the protagonist makes choices that contradict what they privately acknowledge as true. Which quotation from Harbor of Ash most effectively illustrates Velez’s claim?
"I told myself I hadn’t seen the letter, and the fog thickened, kindly hiding the path I refused to take."
"Fog or no fog, the streets were loud with vendors who never paused for anyone’s doubts."
"The fog rolled in as the harbor bells rang, and everyone waited for the tide to turn."
"The fog lifted at noon, and with it the city’s outlines returned, sharp and indifferent."
Explanation
The literary scholar claims that in Harbor of Ash, fog descriptions signal the protagonist's deliberate self-deception, intensifying when the protagonist makes choices contradicting what they privately acknowledge as true. To illustrate this claim, we need a quotation showing fog imagery appearing specifically when the protagonist engages in conscious self-deception. Choice B perfectly illustrates Velez's claim: "I told myself I hadn't seen the letter" shows deliberate self-deception (the protagonist knows they saw it but pretends otherwise), and "the fog thickened, kindly hiding the path I refused to take" shows fog intensifying in direct connection to this self-deceptive choice. Choice A merely describes fog as setting without connection to self-deception. Choice C dismisses fog's significance entirely. Choice D shows fog lifting without any connection to the protagonist's mental state. When analyzing literary symbolism claims, look for quotations that explicitly connect the symbol to the proposed psychological state or action.