All questions
Question 1
A team of researchers adapts a Big Five personality inventory for use in a non-Western culture. They use a careful back-translation procedure and find that the items are linguistically equivalent. However, a factor analysis of the results from the new culture yields six factors, not five, and some items load onto different factors than they do in Western samples. This outcome suggests that:
- the back-translation was flawed despite appearing to be successful.
- the underlying structure of personality may differ across cultures, despite successful translation. (correct answer)
- the participants in the non-Western culture answered the questions randomly, invalidating the factor structure.
- the Big Five theory of personality is fundamentally incorrect and does not apply to any culture.
Explanation: The correct answer is B. This illustrates a critical distinction between linguistic equivalence and construct equivalence. While the words may be translated correctly, the way that personality traits are organized and conceptualized—the very structure of personality—may not be universal. The emergence of a different factor structure is strong evidence that the psychological construct itself does not generalize perfectly. A is possible but less likely than the conceptual issue. C is a deficit explanation that is less parsimonious than a cultural difference explanation. D is too extreme; the Big Five may be a valid model within Western cultures, but not necessarily a universal one.
Question 2
A researcher uses the Strange Situation procedure, developed in the United States, to study attachment in a rural community in Mali where infants are cared for by a wide network of female relatives, not just the mother. The researcher finds a high percentage of infants classified as 'avoidant' when assessed with their mothers. What is the most critical interpretation of this finding?
- The high rate of avoidant attachment indicates widespread insecure parent-child relationships within this Malian community.
- The Strange Situation paradigm lacks cultural generalizability, as its assumptions about a single primary caregiver and reactions to separation may not apply in a communal caregiving context. (correct answer)
- The findings suggest that Malian infants are constitutionally more independent than American infants, leading to an avoidant classification.
- The researcher likely made procedural errors in administering the Strange Situation, as such high rates of insecure attachment are statistically improbable.
Explanation: The correct answer is B because it recognizes that psychological measures are often culturally bound. The Strange Situation was developed based on Western, nuclear family norms where one primary caregiver (usually the mother) is typical. In a society with communal caregiving (alloparenting), an infant's reaction to separation from the mother might be less intense, which the procedure could misinterpret as 'avoidant' attachment. A suggests an ethnocentric conclusion, applying a Western standard without considering cultural context. C makes a dispositional attribution about the infants that is not supported by the data. D blames procedural errors, which is possible but less fundamental than the issue of the tool's cultural validity.
Question 3
A team of researchers adapts a Big Five personality inventory for use in a non-Western culture. They use a careful back-translation procedure and find that the items are linguistically equivalent. However, a factor analysis of the results from the new culture yields six factors, not five, and some items load onto different factors than they do in Western samples. This outcome suggests that:
- the back-translation was flawed despite appearing to be successful.
- the underlying structure of personality may differ across cultures, despite successful translation. (correct answer)
- the participants in the non-Western culture answered the questions randomly, invalidating the factor structure.
- the Big Five theory of personality is fundamentally incorrect and does not apply to any culture.
Explanation: The correct answer is B. This illustrates a critical distinction between linguistic equivalence and construct equivalence. While the words may be translated correctly, the way that personality traits are organized and conceptualized—the very structure of personality—may not be universal. The emergence of a different factor structure is strong evidence that the psychological construct itself does not generalize perfectly. A is possible but less likely than the conceptual issue. C is a deficit explanation that is less parsimonious than a cultural difference explanation. D is too extreme; the Big Five may be a valid model within Western cultures, but not necessarily a universal one.
Question 4
A prominent psychologist publishes a paper claiming, 'Our research proves that humans are universally predisposed to seek novelty.' The research was based on a series of studies conducted exclusively with undergraduate students at a large American university. Critics would argue this claim is not generalizable because the sample is not representative of the global population, but is instead:
- androgenous, meaning it is biased towards a specific gender identity.
- WEIRD, an acronym for Western, Educated, Industrialized, Rich, and Democratic. (correct answer)
- phenomenological, meaning it is based on subjective experience rather than objective data.
- longitudinal, as it only captures a specific moment in the students' development.
Explanation: The correct answer is B. The acronym WEIRD (Western, Educated, Industrialized, Rich, and Democratic) was coined to describe the fact that a vast majority of participants in psychological research come from this very narrow slice of the human population. Making claims about universal human nature based on a WEIRD sample is a major problem for the generalizability of psychological findings. A is incorrect terminology and focus. C describes a type of research approach, not a characteristic of the sample. D is incorrect; the research described is likely cross-sectional, not longitudinal, but the key limitation is the sample's cultural background, not the time frame of the study.
Question 5
Research on cognitive styles has shown that individuals from East Asian cultures tend to exhibit more holistic processing (attending to context and relationships), while individuals from Western cultures tend to exhibit more analytic processing (focusing on objects and their attributes). Given this, a new data visualization software designed in the United States that emphasizes isolating key data points and minimizing background trends might be less intuitive for a user in China because:
- the software's color palette may not align with Chinese aesthetic preferences.
- it assumes a processing style that de-emphasizes context, which is often crucial for interpretation in a holistic framework. (correct answer)
- the user may not have access to the high-performance computers required to run the software effectively.
- the software's tutorial is likely translated poorly from English to Mandarin.
Explanation: The correct answer is B. It directly applies the research on cognitive styles to the scenario. The software's design is based on an analytic style—isolating the object (key data point) from its context (background trends). For a user accustomed to a holistic style, where context is integral to meaning, this design could feel unnatural, incomplete, or even misleading. A, C, and D are practical issues but do not relate to the fundamental cognitive style difference that is the focus of the question.
Question 6
In many Western cultures, romantic love is considered a prerequisite for marriage. A researcher studying a culture where arranged marriages are common finds that while couples do not begin their marriage with intense romantic love, their reported levels of love and marital satisfaction often increase over the years, eventually equaling or exceeding those in Western marriages. This finding primarily challenges the ethnocentric assumption that:
- romantic love is a universal human emotion.
- a marriage based on practical considerations cannot be a happy one.
- parents in arranged marriages are better at choosing partners than individuals choosing for themselves.
- the Western sequence of 'love, then marriage' is the only optimal path to successful partnership. (correct answer)
Explanation: When you encounter questions about cultural differences in marriage and relationships, think about how ethnocentrism can bias our understanding of what constitutes "normal" or "optimal" human behavior. Ethnocentrism involves judging other cultures by the standards of your own culture, often assuming your cultural practices are superior or universal.
The research finding directly challenges the Western assumption that romantic love must precede marriage for optimal outcomes. Since arranged marriages in this study eventually achieved equal or higher satisfaction levels than Western love-based marriages, this demonstrates that the Western sequence of "fall in love first, then marry" isn't the only successful path to marital happiness.
Looking at the wrong answers: Choice A is incorrect because the study doesn't question whether romantic love exists universally—couples in arranged marriages did develop love, just after marriage rather than before. Choice B misses the mark because the study actually shows that practical-based marriages can indeed become happy ones, which supports rather than challenges this idea. Choice C is wrong because the research doesn't compare the partner-selection abilities of parents versus individuals—it focuses on timing and development of love within marriages.
The key insight is that successful relationships can develop through different pathways, challenging the ethnocentric view that Western romantic practices are universally optimal.
Study tip: On psychology exams, when you see cross-cultural research findings, look for how they challenge assumptions about universal human behaviors. These questions often test your ability to recognize ethnocentric thinking and appreciate cultural diversity in human experience.
Question 7
A classic study on the fundamental attribution error (FAE) found that U.S. participants were more likely to attribute an essay writer's stance to their personal beliefs, even when told the writer was assigned the position. If this study were replicated in Japan, a collectivistic culture, which outcome would most likely be observed?
- A stronger FAE effect, as social conformity pressures would lead Japanese participants to assume the writer personally agreed with the assigned stance.
- An identical FAE effect, because the FAE is a basic cognitive process that is universal across all human populations.
- A weaker FAE effect, as Japanese participants would likely give more weight to the situational constraint (the assignment) than to the writer's disposition. (correct answer)
- A reversed FAE effect, where participants would be more likely to assume the writer believed the opposite of what they wrote.
Explanation: The correct answer is C. The fundamental attribution error—the tendency to over-emphasize dispositional explanations for behavior while under-emphasizing situational explanations—is more pronounced in individualistic cultures like the U.S. In collectivistic cultures like Japan, there is a greater tendency to consider situational and contextual factors. Therefore, Japanese participants would be more likely to acknowledge the situational constraint (that the topic was assigned) and less likely to assume it reflected the writer's true attitude. A is incorrect because conformity pressure doesn't directly relate to how one attributes the cause of another's behavior in this context. B is a common misconception; many psychological findings, including the FAE, are not universal. D describes an outcome for which there is no theoretical or empirical basis.
Question 8
A U.S.-based study finds that adolescents who engage in more frequent, open disagreements with their parents tend to develop a stronger sense of autonomy. A family therapist working in Japan, where cultural norms emphasize filial piety and maintaining harmony, is advised to apply this finding by encouraging parent-teen conflict. Why is this advice potentially problematic?
- The link between conflict and autonomy may be a Western phenomenon; in Japan, autonomy may be developed through other means that do not disrupt family harmony. (correct answer)
- Japanese adolescents are less emotionally expressive than U.S. adolescents, so they would be unable to engage in open disagreements.
- Japanese parents are typically more authoritarian, so they would punish any adolescent who attempted to disagree with them.
- The concept of adolescent autonomy is not valued in Japanese culture, so there is no need to foster it in therapy.
Explanation: The correct answer is A. It correctly identifies the core issue: the psychological mechanism (conflict leading to autonomy) may itself be culturally specific. The positive view of confrontational conflict as a tool for individuation is common in individualistic cultures. In collectivistic cultures, where relational harmony is paramount, this mechanism may not apply and could be detrimental. Autonomy might be fostered in other ways, such as by taking on responsibilities within the family. B and C are stereotypes and overgeneralizations. D is too strong a claim; autonomy is likely valued, but it may be conceptualized and developed differently, perhaps as a form of responsible independence that respects family ties.
Question 9
A manager at a company in the Philippines, a culture characterized by high 'power distance,' wants to motivate their team. Drawing from management theories developed in Sweden, a low power distance culture, the manager implements a flat organizational structure and encourages employees to openly challenge their ideas. Why is this approach likely to be ineffective?
- Employees may be uncomfortable with the lack of a clear hierarchy and may interpret the request for challenges as a test of loyalty rather than a genuine invitation. (correct answer)
- The Swedish management theories are outdated and have been proven ineffective even in their country of origin.
- The Filipino employees will likely demand higher wages in exchange for taking on the additional responsibility of challenging their manager.
- The manager's attempt to adopt a foreign management style will be seen as inauthentic and will therefore be rejected by the team.
Explanation: The correct answer is A. It correctly identifies the cultural mismatch based on Hofstede's dimension of power distance. In high power distance cultures, hierarchies are expected and respected. A directive, paternalistic leadership style is often preferred. A flat structure and encouragement of open dissent can cause anxiety and confusion, as employees are socialized to defer to authority. Challenging a superior may be seen as deeply disrespectful. B is an unsubstantiated claim. C links the change to compensation, which is not the primary cultural issue. D touches on authenticity but A provides the specific, theory-based reason for the ineffectiveness.
Question 10
Lawrence Kohlberg's theory of moral development posits a universal sequence of stages, culminating in post-conventional reasoning based on abstract principles of justice and individual rights. However, research by Richard Shweder in India found that his Hindu participants' moral reasoning was often based on community duties, spiritual purity, and respect for hierarchy. In Kohlberg's system, this type of reasoning would be scored as conventional, a lower level than post-conventional.
The research described in the passage most directly challenges which aspect of Kohlberg's theory?
- The claim that moral reasoning develops in a sequence of stages.
- The use of hypothetical dilemmas to assess moral reasoning.
- The cultural generalizability of its highest stages of moral development. (correct answer)
- The idea that moral reasoning is linked to cognitive development.
Explanation: The correct answer is C. Shweder's research suggests that Kohlberg's highest stages, which prioritize justice and individual rights, are based on Western philosophical traditions and may not represent the pinnacle of moral development in all cultures. By showing that another complex moral system (based on community and divinity) exists and is scored as 'lower' by Kohlberg's scheme, it challenges the universality and ethnocentric bias of the top stages. A is not the primary challenge; Shweder's work doesn't refute the idea of stages, but rather the content and endpoint of those stages. B is a methodological critique, but not the core issue raised by Shweder's findings. D is a foundational part of Kohlberg's theory, which this specific cultural critique does not directly address.
Question 11
A researcher designs an intelligence test using only abstract, geometric patterns to avoid linguistic bias. They claim the test is now 'culture-fair.' Why might this claim still be premature and potentially inaccurate?
- Visual acuity varies significantly across different ethnic groups, confounding the results.
- The geometric patterns used may be sacred symbols in some cultures, causing emotional distress.
- The very act of solving abstract, decontextualized puzzles is a skill fostered by formal Western-style education, which is not universal. (correct answer)
- The test cannot be culture-fair unless it is administered in each participant's native language, even if it contains no words.
Explanation: The correct answer is C. This is a subtle but critical point in cross-cultural assessment. The idea that removing language makes a test culture-fair is a common misconception. Many cultures do not emphasize or teach the kind of abstract, analytical reasoning required for these tasks outside of a formal schooling context. Therefore, the test may measure cultural differences in educational experience rather than a universal 'intelligence.' A is not a well-supported claim. B is possible in rare cases but is not a systemic psychometric issue. D is illogical, as a non-verbal test has no language to be administered in.
Question 12
When Piaget's conservation tasks were administered to adults in a non-literate, agricultural society, a significant percentage did not demonstrate conservation of mass or volume. An ethnocentric interpretation of this result would be that these adults have cognitive deficits. A more culturally sensitive interpretation is that:
- Piaget's theory of cognitive development is entirely incorrect and should be discarded from all psychological research.
- the abstract, puzzle-like nature of the tasks lacks ecological validity in a context where practical skills are prioritized. (correct answer)
- these adults likely had nutritional deficiencies during childhood that stunted their cognitive development permanently.
- the experimenters failed to properly communicate the instructions due to language barriers, completely invalidating the results.
Explanation: The correct answer is B. It highlights the importance of ecological validity—whether a test relates to the real-world environment and skills of the person being tested. Piaget's tasks reflect skills (abstract reasoning, logical deduction in a contrived setting) that are heavily practiced in formal schooling. For a culture that does not use this type of formal education, the tasks may not be meaningful or engage their developed cognitive abilities, leading to poor performance that doesn't reflect their true intelligence. A is too extreme; the theory may have limitations but isn't entirely wrong. C speculates about a cause not mentioned in the stem. D is a possible methodological flaw, but B offers a more profound critique of the test's cultural generalizability.
Question 13
In a cross-cultural study of emotion, American and Japanese participants watch a stressful film. When alone, both groups show similar facial expressions of disgust and fear. However, when an experimenter is in the room, the Japanese participants are more likely to mask their negative expressions with a smile. This difference in behavior when an authority figure is present best illustrates the concept of:
- emotional intelligence.
- universal emotional triggers.
- phenomenological differences in emotion.
- cultural display rules. (correct answer)
Explanation: When you encounter cross-cultural emotion questions, focus on how social context influences emotional expression differently across cultures, even when the underlying feelings are the same.
This scenario perfectly demonstrates cultural display rules — the culturally learned guidelines that govern when, where, and how emotions should be expressed. Notice the key pattern: both groups felt the same emotions privately (similar facial expressions when alone), but Japanese participants modified their expressions when an authority figure was present. This behavioral shift based on social context is the hallmark of display rules, making D correct.
Let's examine why the other options miss the mark. A) Emotional intelligence refers to the ability to recognize, understand, and manage emotions effectively — this isn't about emotional skill but about cultural norms. B) Universal emotional triggers would explain why both groups showed similar reactions when alone, but it doesn't address the cultural difference in public expression. C) Phenomenological differences would mean the groups actually experienced different emotions internally, but the study shows they felt the same emotions — they just expressed them differently in social situations.
The crucial insight is that display rules don't change what people feel; they change how people show what they feel based on their cultural background and social context.
Study tip: Remember that cultural display rules create a gap between private emotional experience (often universal) and public emotional expression (culturally variable). Look for this private vs. public distinction in cross-cultural emotion questions.
Question 14
A research study reports that the average score on a self-esteem scale is significantly higher in Australia than in Taiwan. A student concludes that Australians, on average, have a more positive self-view than Taiwanese people. This conclusion is potentially flawed primarily because:
- the study likely had unequal sample sizes, with more participants from Australia than Taiwan.
- self-esteem as a valued attribute is a Western construct that may not be equally meaningful in Taiwanese culture. (correct answer)
- the scale was likely administered in English in both countries, putting the Taiwanese participants at a disadvantage.
- Australians tend to exaggerate on surveys, while Taiwanese cultural norms encourage modesty in self-reporting.
Explanation: The correct answer is B. This gets at the deepest level of cultural generalizability: whether the psychological construct itself is equivalent across cultures. The Western emphasis on high self-esteem as a cornerstone of mental health is not universal. In many East Asian cultures, self-criticism, modesty, and a focus on self-improvement are more valued. Therefore, a lower score might not reflect a poorer self-view, but rather a different cultural orientation toward the self. D describes response style, which is a valid concern, but B questions the validity of the entire concept being measured, which is a more fundamental critique. A and C are methodological concerns that are less central than the conceptual issue.
Question 15
A classic study on the fundamental attribution error (FAE) found that U.S. participants were more likely to attribute an essay writer's stance to their personal beliefs, even when told the writer was assigned the position. If this study were replicated in Japan, a collectivistic culture, which outcome would most likely be observed?
- A stronger FAE effect, as social conformity pressures would lead Japanese participants to assume the writer personally agreed with the assigned stance.
- An identical FAE effect, because the FAE is a basic cognitive process that is universal across all human populations.
- A weaker FAE effect, as Japanese participants would likely give more weight to the situational constraint (the assignment) than to the writer's disposition. (correct answer)
- A reversed FAE effect, where participants would be more likely to assume the writer believed the opposite of what they wrote.
Explanation: The correct answer is C. The fundamental attribution error—the tendency to over-emphasize dispositional explanations for behavior while under-emphasizing situational explanations—is more pronounced in individualistic cultures like the U.S. In collectivistic cultures like Japan, there is a greater tendency to consider situational and contextual factors. Therefore, Japanese participants would be more likely to acknowledge the situational constraint (that the topic was assigned) and less likely to assume it reflected the writer's true attitude. A is incorrect because conformity pressure doesn't directly relate to how one attributes the cause of another's behavior in this context. B is a common misconception; many psychological findings, including the FAE, are not universal. D describes an outcome for which there is no theoretical or empirical basis.
Question 16
Lawrence Kohlberg's theory of moral development posits a universal sequence of stages, culminating in post-conventional reasoning based on abstract principles of justice and individual rights. However, research by Richard Shweder in India found that his Hindu participants' moral reasoning was often based on community duties, spiritual purity, and respect for hierarchy. In Kohlberg's system, this type of reasoning would be scored as conventional, a lower level than post-conventional.
The research described in the passage most directly challenges which aspect of Kohlberg's theory?
- The claim that moral reasoning develops in a sequence of stages.
- The use of hypothetical dilemmas to assess moral reasoning.
- The cultural generalizability of its highest stages of moral development. (correct answer)
- The idea that moral reasoning is linked to cognitive development.
Explanation: The correct answer is C. Shweder's research suggests that Kohlberg's highest stages, which prioritize justice and individual rights, are based on Western philosophical traditions and may not represent the pinnacle of moral development in all cultures. By showing that another complex moral system (based on community and divinity) exists and is scored as 'lower' by Kohlberg's scheme, it challenges the universality and ethnocentric bias of the top stages. A is not the primary challenge; Shweder's work doesn't refute the idea of stages, but rather the content and endpoint of those stages. B is a methodological critique, but not the core issue raised by Shweder's findings. D is a foundational part of Kohlberg's theory, which this specific cultural critique does not directly address.
Question 17
A prominent psychologist publishes a paper claiming, 'Our research proves that humans are universally predisposed to seek novelty.' The research was based on a series of studies conducted exclusively with undergraduate students at a large American university. Critics would argue this claim is not generalizable because the sample is not representative of the global population, but is instead:
- androgenous, meaning it is biased towards a specific gender identity.
- WEIRD, an acronym for Western, Educated, Industrialized, Rich, and Democratic. (correct answer)
- phenomenological, meaning it is based on subjective experience rather than objective data.
- longitudinal, as it only captures a specific moment in the students' development.
Explanation: The correct answer is B. The acronym WEIRD (Western, Educated, Industrialized, Rich, and Democratic) was coined to describe the fact that a vast majority of participants in psychological research come from this very narrow slice of the human population. Making claims about universal human nature based on a WEIRD sample is a major problem for the generalizability of psychological findings. A is incorrect terminology and focus. C describes a type of research approach, not a characteristic of the sample. D is incorrect; the research described is likely cross-sectional, not longitudinal, but the key limitation is the sample's cultural background, not the time frame of the study.
Question 18
A manager at a company in the Philippines, a culture characterized by high 'power distance,' wants to motivate their team. Drawing from management theories developed in Sweden, a low power distance culture, the manager implements a flat organizational structure and encourages employees to openly challenge their ideas. Why is this approach likely to be ineffective?
- Employees may be uncomfortable with the lack of a clear hierarchy and may interpret the request for challenges as a test of loyalty rather than a genuine invitation. (correct answer)
- The Swedish management theories are outdated and have been proven ineffective even in their country of origin.
- The Filipino employees will likely demand higher wages in exchange for taking on the additional responsibility of challenging their manager.
- The manager's attempt to adopt a foreign management style will be seen as inauthentic and will therefore be rejected by the team.
Explanation: The correct answer is A. It correctly identifies the cultural mismatch based on Hofstede's dimension of power distance. In high power distance cultures, hierarchies are expected and respected. A directive, paternalistic leadership style is often preferred. A flat structure and encouragement of open dissent can cause anxiety and confusion, as employees are socialized to defer to authority. Challenging a superior may be seen as deeply disrespectful. B is an unsubstantiated claim. C links the change to compensation, which is not the primary cultural issue. D touches on authenticity but A provides the specific, theory-based reason for the ineffectiveness.
Question 19
In a cross-cultural study of emotion, American and Japanese participants watch a stressful film. When alone, both groups show similar facial expressions of disgust and fear. However, when an experimenter is in the room, the Japanese participants are more likely to mask their negative expressions with a smile. This difference in behavior when an authority figure is present best illustrates the concept of:
- emotional intelligence.
- universal emotional triggers.
- phenomenological differences in emotion.
- cultural display rules. (correct answer)
Explanation: When you encounter cross-cultural emotion questions, focus on how social context influences emotional expression differently across cultures, even when the underlying feelings are the same.
This scenario perfectly demonstrates cultural display rules — the culturally learned guidelines that govern when, where, and how emotions should be expressed. Notice the key pattern: both groups felt the same emotions privately (similar facial expressions when alone), but Japanese participants modified their expressions when an authority figure was present. This behavioral shift based on social context is the hallmark of display rules, making D correct.
Let's examine why the other options miss the mark. A) Emotional intelligence refers to the ability to recognize, understand, and manage emotions effectively — this isn't about emotional skill but about cultural norms. B) Universal emotional triggers would explain why both groups showed similar reactions when alone, but it doesn't address the cultural difference in public expression. C) Phenomenological differences would mean the groups actually experienced different emotions internally, but the study shows they felt the same emotions — they just expressed them differently in social situations.
The crucial insight is that display rules don't change what people feel; they change how people show what they feel based on their cultural background and social context.
Study tip: Remember that cultural display rules create a gap between private emotional experience (often universal) and public emotional expression (culturally variable). Look for this private vs. public distinction in cross-cultural emotion questions.
Question 20
In many Western cultures, romantic love is considered a prerequisite for marriage. A researcher studying a culture where arranged marriages are common finds that while couples do not begin their marriage with intense romantic love, their reported levels of love and marital satisfaction often increase over the years, eventually equaling or exceeding those in Western marriages. This finding primarily challenges the ethnocentric assumption that:
- romantic love is a universal human emotion.
- a marriage based on practical considerations cannot be a happy one.
- parents in arranged marriages are better at choosing partners than individuals choosing for themselves.
- the Western sequence of 'love, then marriage' is the only optimal path to successful partnership. (correct answer)
Explanation: When you encounter questions about cultural differences in marriage and relationships, think about how ethnocentrism can bias our understanding of what constitutes "normal" or "optimal" human behavior. Ethnocentrism involves judging other cultures by the standards of your own culture, often assuming your cultural practices are superior or universal.
The research finding directly challenges the Western assumption that romantic love must precede marriage for optimal outcomes. Since arranged marriages in this study eventually achieved equal or higher satisfaction levels than Western love-based marriages, this demonstrates that the Western sequence of "fall in love first, then marry" isn't the only successful path to marital happiness.
Looking at the wrong answers: Choice A is incorrect because the study doesn't question whether romantic love exists universally—couples in arranged marriages did develop love, just after marriage rather than before. Choice B misses the mark because the study actually shows that practical-based marriages can indeed become happy ones, which supports rather than challenges this idea. Choice C is wrong because the research doesn't compare the partner-selection abilities of parents versus individuals—it focuses on timing and development of love within marriages.
The key insight is that successful relationships can develop through different pathways, challenging the ethnocentric view that Western romantic practices are universally optimal.
Study tip: On psychology exams, when you see cross-cultural research findings, look for how they challenge assumptions about universal human behaviors. These questions often test your ability to recognize ethnocentric thinking and appreciate cultural diversity in human experience.