What this quiz covers
This quiz focuses on Explain Resolve, giving you a quick way to practice the rules, question types, and explanations that matter most for LSAT.
Last fall, a city library extended weekday hours and eliminated late fees to encourage borrowing. Yet in the six months that followed, the library recorded 14 percent fewer checkouts than in the same period the previous year. During this time, membership numbers stayed constant, no branches closed, and staffing and acquisitions both increased. Public outreach events also drew steady attendance. Which of the following, if true, most helps to resolve this apparent paradox?
Which of the following, if true, most helps to resolve the paradox?
LSAT Quiz
Practice Explain Resolve in LSAT with focused quiz questions that help you check what you know, review explanations, and build confidence with test-style prompts.
This quiz focuses on Explain Resolve, giving you a quick way to practice the rules, question types, and explanations that matter most for LSAT.
Try each quiz question before looking at the correct answer. Use the explanations to review missed ideas, then come back to similar questions until the pattern feels familiar.
Last fall, a city library extended weekday hours and eliminated late fees to encourage borrowing. Yet in the six months that followed, the library recorded 14 percent fewer checkouts than in the same period the previous year. During this time, membership numbers stayed constant, no branches closed, and staffing and acquisitions both increased. Public outreach events also drew steady attendance. Which of the following, if true, most helps to resolve this apparent paradox?
Which of the following, if true, most helps to resolve the paradox?
Explanation: The puzzle is that borrowing should have risen after longer hours and no late fees, yet recorded checkouts fell by 14 percent. The answer about e-books and audiobooks resolves this: if loans made through the new digital portal are not counted in the checkout tally, real borrowing could have shifted from physical to digital while the recorded number dropped—no true decline needed. The option about late-night hours only shows that some added access went unused; it does not explain why checkouts fell below the previous year's baseline. Doubling new-release titles would, if anything, raise checkouts, deepening the paradox rather than resolving it. Adding self-checkout kiosks speeds up existing lines but does nothing to explain fewer loans overall. Promoting the digital reading app suggests patrons may be borrowing digitally, but without knowing that those digital loans are excluded from the tally, it cannot account for the drop in recorded checkouts—that missing exclusion is exactly what the correct answer supplies.
Meadow City replaced all of its sodium-vapor streetlights with LED fixtures touted to last years longer and require far less attention. Surprisingly, after the switch, maintenance crews logged more callouts for dark streets than in the prior year with the old lamps. The LEDs were installed on schedule by a reputable contractor, and the bulbs themselves rarely burned out during the first year. What, if true, would most help explain why reported lighting failures nevertheless increased?
Which of the following, if true, most helps to resolve the paradox?
Explanation: The puzzle is that dark-street callouts rose even though the bulbs themselves rarely burned out. The winning choice supplies the missing failure mode: if the drivers and control modules that power the LEDs failed frequently, streets would go dark without any bulb burning out, so more outages and long-lasting bulbs fit together neatly. The claim about cutting electricity by a third addresses efficiency, not why lights went dark—it gives no reason for increased outages. The report that residents praised the brighter, whiter light describes satisfaction, which would predict fewer complaints, not more callouts. The point that the cooler color temperature felt harsher to some drivers is a comfort or preference issue, not a cause of dark streets. The fact that nearby towns kept sodium lamps and saw no change is a contrast that leaves Meadow City's rise unexplained. Only the driver-and-module failures explain darkness despite intact bulbs, so that is the single best answer.
A fitness center replaced most of its treadmills with newer models advertised as more reliable. In the months after the replacement, the center logged fewer treadmill repair incidents. Yet member complaints about treadmill availability increased, and the center's records show that the total number of hours treadmills were in use each week declined. These facts appear to conflict, since fewer repairs would ordinarily increase availability, and lower use would ordinarily reduce complaints.
Which one of the following, if true, most helps to explain the situation described above?
Explanation: The puzzle has three parts to reconcile: fewer repairs, more availability complaints, and fewer total usage hours—despite supposedly more reliable machines. The winning answer explains all three at once: the center installed fewer treadmills overall. Each remaining machine is more reliable (fewer repairs), but with fewer machines available, members wait more (more complaints) and the total capacity for use drops (fewer usage hours). One quantity change ties everything together. The answer about advanced features that confused members might explain a few complaints, but confusion wouldn't reduce total usage hours—curious members would still log time—so it leaves two facts unresolved. The answer about new stationary bicycles drawing members away could explain lower treadmill usage, but if bikes were the draw, availability complaints should fall, not rise; it contradicts one of the facts. The answer about complaints regarding music is off-topic: it addresses a different grievance entirely and says nothing about repairs, availability, or usage. The answer about the contractor raising rates concerns cost, not availability or usage; higher rates on old models don't explain why members wait longer or use the machines less. Only the reduction in the number of treadmills resolves the full paradox.
A city's recycling program reports that the total tonnage of recyclable materials collected increased this quarter. Yet the recycling facility reports that the percentage of collected material that could actually be processed into new products decreased. The city did not change the list of accepted items, and collection schedules remained the same. Public outreach efforts encouraging recycling increased, and participation rates rose in several neighborhoods. These facts appear difficult to reconcile.
Which one of the following, if true, most helps to resolve the apparent discrepancy described above?
Explanation: The puzzle: total recyclable tonnage rose, yet the share of collected material that can actually be processed fell. To resolve it, you need something that explains both facts at once. The answer about new participants adding nonrecyclable items does exactly this—outreach drew in more people, so total tonnage climbed, but those newcomers contaminated the stream, so the processable percentage dropped. Both numbers move for the same reason. The new sorting equipment goes the wrong way: better separation should raise, not lower, the usable percentage, deepening the discrepancy instead of resolving it. The request for additional bins explains why more material arrived, but says nothing about why a smaller share of it was processable, so it addresses only half the puzzle. The expanded composting program diverts food waste away from the trash, which neither explains the tonnage rise in recycling nor accounts for lower processability. The higher landfill fees concern the cost of disposing residual waste, an economic detail that leaves both the tonnage increase and the drop in usable percentage unexplained. Only contamination from untrained new participants links the two trends together.
After subsidizing rooftop solar panels, a small island's utility saw midday electricity demand from the grid fall sharply. Nevertheless, the utility's total consumption of diesel fuel for power generation increased over the next year. No new industrial customers came online, and household electricity use stayed flat overall. Officials are puzzled that less daytime demand coincided with greater fossil fuel use in a system otherwise largely unchanged.
Which of the following, if true, most helps to resolve the paradox?
Explanation: The puzzle is why diesel use rose even as midday grid demand fell. The answer about generators running inefficiently when ramped up and down resolves it directly: solar makes daytime output swing, and diesel engines burn more fuel per unit of power when constantly cycled, so total fuel can climb even as average load drops. The refrigerator-and-air-conditioner upgrade would lower fuel use, not raise it, so it deepens the paradox rather than resolving it. Homeowners falling behind on bills affects revenue collected, not the amount of electricity generated or fuel burned. A proposed undersea cable that was never built changes nothing physical about generation during the year. Seasonal swings in overnight tourists cannot explain the increase, since household use stayed flat and no net demand growth occurred. Only the generator-cycling explanation reconciles lower daytime demand with higher fuel consumption.
A neighborhood cafe announced that after 2 p.m. it would serve only decaffeinated coffee. Because prior surveys showed most afternoon patrons prefer caffeinated drinks, the owner anticipated a drop in satisfaction. Nevertheless, average satisfaction scores for the afternoon time block rose over the next month. Menu prices, seating capacity, and music volume remained the same, and nearby cafes did not change policies. How could afternoon satisfaction increase despite the decaf-only policy?
Which of the following, if true, most helps to explain the increase in afternoon satisfaction?
Explanation: The key works because it directly resolves the paradox: if afternoon patrons cared most about fast, calm service rather than caffeine, then simpler decaf orders speeding up service would raise their satisfaction even though they generally prefer caffeine. That connects a consequence of the decaf policy to what these customers actually value. Introducing new caffeinated espresso options only before noon changes the morning, not the afternoon time block in question, so it cannot explain the afternoon rise. Repainting the interior in the same color scheme leaves the experience unchanged, so it gives no reason satisfaction would climb. Reducing the pastry selection from ten items to eight removes choices customers had; if anything that should lower satisfaction, not raise it. Training baristas in latte art decorates drinks but does nothing to offset the loss of caffeine that the survey said patrons preferred, so it fails to address the paradox. Only the account tying simpler orders to faster service and customers who prize speed and calm explains why satisfaction rose despite the policy.
In a trial of an alertness program, participants who reported sleeping under six hours the night before posted faster scores on a computerized reaction-time task than those who slept seven to eight hours. Yet those short-sleep participants simultaneously reported higher levels of sleepiness on a standardized scale that morning. None of the participants had diagnosed sleep disorders, and testing occurred at the same time of day for everyone. Researchers are unsure how people could feel sleepier but respond faster.
Which of the following, if true, most helps resolve the paradox?
Explanation: The puzzle is why the short-sleep group performed faster despite feeling sleepier. Caffeine offers exactly that reconciliation: it can sharpen reaction time while leaving subjective sleepiness untouched, so the very group that felt drowsier could still respond quicker because only they consumed it. That is the choice about caffeinated beverages being allowed for one group and withheld from the other. The test's built-in upper limit would cap fast responses across everyone equally, so it cannot explain why one group outperformed the other. The order in which the sleepiness questionnaire was given applied identically to all participants, so it predicts no difference in reaction times. Excluding daytime nappers likewise affected both groups the same way and gives no reason for the short-sleep group to be faster. A thirty-minute misestimate of sleep is small and random in either direction, so it would not systematically make the short-sleep group respond faster. Only the caffeine difference tracks the specific gap the paradox asks about.
A software company raised base salaries by 15 percent across its engineering department to improve retention. Subsequent surveys show engineers are more satisfied with their pay than before the increase. Yet in the six months following the raise, voluntary departures among the company's highest-rated engineers rose significantly. There were no layoffs, and workload and project mix remained constant. Management is puzzled that better pay satisfaction coincided with more top performers choosing to leave.
Which of the following, if true, most helps to resolve the paradox?
Explanation: The puzzle is that pay satisfaction rose while the best engineers left more often. The winning answer explains both at once: the publicized raise flagged the firm as a source of strong talent, so competitors offered top performers even larger packages. Satisfied engineers could still leave for a better outside deal, and the effect selectively hits the highest-rated people. The resignation-portal option only changes how departures are recorded, not why more top performers actually chose to leave. Increased junior hiring lowers average tenure but says nothing about why elite engineers depart; new hires arriving does not explain existing stars exiting. The cafeteria and fitness upgrades and the extra quarterly personal day are perks that would boost satisfaction and, if anything, encourage staying — neither accounts for a rise in voluntary exits among top performers despite happier pay. Only the competitor-poaching answer makes higher satisfaction and higher top-performer turnover fit together.
A software company claims that a recent update made its app use less battery power. In controlled laboratory tests, phones running the updated app showed lower average battery drain per hour. Yet many users report that after installing the update, their phones' batteries seem to run out faster during the day. The company also notes that the update added new features intended to increase user engagement. These facts seem difficult to reconcile.
Which one of the following, if true, most helps to resolve the apparent discrepancy described above?
Explanation: The puzzle is that lab tests show the app draining less battery per hour, yet users see their batteries die faster after the update. The correct answer resolves this by pointing to a change in behavior: the new features made people use the app far more each day. If per-hour drain drops but daily usage rises enough, total daily battery use can still increase—so both facts are true at once. That directly reconciles the lab result with users' experience. The option about installing the update alongside an operating-system upgrade blames a separate cause, but it doesn't connect the app's improved per-hour efficiency to the users' worse daily outcome. The option about test phones being under a year old explains why older batteries might drain faster generally, but that difference existed before the update and doesn't tie to the update itself. The option about the app crashing and needing restarts describes an annoyance, not a reason the whole phone's battery would run out faster during the day. The option about competitors releasing similar features shifts attention to other apps entirely, leaving the update's own battery effect unexplained. Only the behavioral-usage answer makes the lab data and the user reports fit together.
A grocery chain found that after it introduced self-checkout lanes, the average time customers spent waiting in line decreased. However, customer complaints about "slow checkout" increased noticeably during the same months. Store managers also report that the number of staffed cashier lanes did not decrease, and overall store traffic remained roughly constant. In addition, internal timing data show that when a customer uses self-checkout successfully, the transaction is usually faster than a cashier transaction. These facts appear difficult to reconcile.
Which one of the following, if true, most helps to resolve the apparent discrepancy in the information above?
Explanation: The puzzle is that average wait times fell, self-checkout is usually faster, and staffing and traffic held steady—yet complaints about slow checkout rose. The resolution must explain how the same period could produce shorter average waits AND more slow-checkout complaints. The answer about a few malfunctioning self-checkout stations does exactly this: because most customers wait less, the average drops, but the unlucky few stuck at broken machines face very long, frustrating delays and complain. An average can fall while a minority endures extreme waits. The option about customers switching from competing chains raises satisfaction generally but gives no reason complaints about slow checkout specifically would rise. The option about more age-verification items claims nearly every transaction slowed—this would raise average waits, contradicting the stated decrease, so it deepens rather than resolves the paradox. The option about extra customer-service training and friendlier chatting would, if anything, lengthen cashier transactions, again conflicting with the observed drop in average wait time. The option about price cuts explains higher overall satisfaction but says nothing about why checkout would feel slower to anyone. Only the malfunctioning-stations answer reconciles a lower average with rising slow-checkout complaints by pointing to a distribution problem the average hides.
A popular productivity app raised its monthly subscription price by 20 percent. Counterintuitively, during the next quarter the app's churn rate fell and new subscriptions grew. The app did not remove features from lower tiers, and no major competitor exited the market. Marketing spend remained steady. How can these results coexist with the price increase?
Which of the following, if true, most helps resolve the apparent paradox?
Explanation: The paradox is that a 20 percent price hike coincided with lower churn and more sign-ups, with no feature cuts, competitor exits, or marketing changes to explain it. Bundling the app with mobile carrier plans does explain both metrics at once: users acquired through carriers are logged as new subscribers at the list price, inflating sign-up counts, yet they pay nothing directly, so the higher price does not push them to cancel—lowering churn. This makes rising sign-ups and falling churn compatible with the increase. The logo and color redesign is cosmetic; a praised rebrand might affect perception, but nothing ties it to the specific pattern of pricing, churn, and new subscriptions. A well-funded rival launching at a lower price with ads aimed at current subscribers would, if anything, be expected to raise churn and slow sign-ups—the opposite of what occurred. The optional paid analytics add-on affects only high-tier users who choose to buy more; it does not explain why raising the base price grew subscriptions or cut churn. The minor bug-fix update improves stability for some older devices but is far too small to account for a coincident price hike, growth, and retention gain. Only bundling reconciles all three observed results with the price increase.
At a city library, administrators report that total in-person visits this year are 15 percent higher than last year. Yet a separate internal report says that the average number of visitors present in the building at any given time during open hours has dropped noticeably, and staff members say the reading rooms feel less crowded most afternoons. Both reports are said to be based on accurate counts rather than estimates, and the library's hours of operation have not changed since last year.
Which one of the following, if true, most helps to resolve the apparent discrepancy in the information above?
Explanation: The puzzle: total visits rose 15 percent, yet fewer people are inside at any one moment and the rooms feel less crowded. To resolve this, you need something showing how more visits can produce lower simultaneous occupancy. The winning choice does exactly that: if far more visits are quick trips to grab reserved books rather than long stays, then many people can pass through over a day while very few are present at any instant. More total visits, shorter individual visits, lower crowding — the two reports fit together. The staff-hiring choice explains nothing about why visitors present at once would drop; more employees, if anything, adds bodies to the building. The coffee-shop discount choice might explain rising visits but not the falling in-building count, and could even suggest people leave quickly to use the discount without addressing occupancy directly. The circulation choice reports a different metric entirely — books checked out — and a slight decrease says nothing about how many people are inside at a time. The renovation choice describes a future plan that has no bearing on this year's visit and occupancy figures. Only the reserved-books choice reframes the nature of each visit, which is what dissolves the apparent contradiction.
A software company extended its free trial from 7 days to 30 days. Following the change, fewer users initiated trials, but a significantly higher percentage of trial users purchased a subscription, and total monthly revenue increased. Marketing spend and the product's feature set remained constant, and no major competitors exited the market. How could reducing the number of trial starts lead to higher conversion rates and greater revenue?
Which of the following, if true, most helps to explain the results of the longer trial?
Explanation: The winning choice explains all three results at once: requiring a credit card and onboarding filters out casual browsers (so fewer trials start), while walking serious evaluators through the product raises both how many convert and which plan tier they pick (so conversion and revenue both rise). Hiring more engineers changes staffing, not why fewer people started trials yet more of them bought—it addresses none of the outcomes. Growing brand awareness would tend to increase, not decrease, trial starts, so it works against the observed drop. A competitor cutting prices would draw buyers away and lower conversion, the opposite of what happened. Raising prices could partly explain higher revenue, but it would depress conversion rates rather than lift them, and it does nothing to explain why fewer users started trials. Only the credit-card-and-onboarding barrier ties the fall in trial starts to the rise in both conversion and revenue.
A city's transit agency reports that average weekday bus ridership rose by 12% this year compared with last year. Yet the agency also reports that total fare revenue from buses fell by 6% over the same period. The agency did not change the posted base fare, and surveys indicate that the typical bus trip length remained about the same. Moreover, the agency notes that the number of bus trips taken during peak commuting hours increased, not decreased. These facts seem difficult to reconcile given that more rides would ordinarily generate more revenue at the same fare.
Which one of the following, if true, most helps to resolve the apparent discrepancy in the transit agency's reports?
Explanation: The puzzle: ridership rose 12% while fare revenue fell 6%, even though the base fare and trip lengths did not change. To resolve it, you need a reason why more rides could bring in less money. The winning choice supplies one: if far more riders bought newly expanded unlimited-ride monthly passes, then many extra trips generated no additional per-trip revenue, and shifting riders onto fixed-price passes can lower total fare income even as trips climb. That lets both reported facts be true at once. Better reliability from reconfigured routes might attract more riders, but it explains only the ridership increase, not why revenue dropped. Higher fuel prices raise the agency's costs, but the discrepancy concerns fare revenue, not expenses—costs have nothing to do with money collected from riders. Adding buses to reduce crowding again speaks to why ridership could grow, without touching the fall in revenue. Riders preferring buses to trains in bad weather is about mode choice and does not address how more paid trips could yield less fare money. Only the pass-expansion choice connects both variables through a mechanism that severs 'more rides' from 'more revenue.'
An energy utility reports that households using smart thermostats reduced their average electricity consumption compared with households without smart thermostats. Yet in a pilot program, giving smart thermostats to a group of households did not reduce that group's electricity consumption over the next three months. The utility confirms the devices were installed correctly and that electricity prices did not change during the pilot. Weather during the pilot was typical for the season. These facts seem difficult to reconcile.
Which one of the following, if true, most helps to resolve the apparent discrepancy?
Explanation: Paradox questions ask you to find a fact that makes two seemingly conflicting observations both true at once. Here the conflict is between an observed correlation (thermostat owners use less electricity) and an experimental result (giving thermostats changed nothing). The cleanest resolution is usually to attack the assumption that the correlation was causal. That is exactly what A does. If the households that voluntarily buy smart thermostats were already the energy-conscious ones, then their lower consumption came from their habits, not the hardware. So the original report is accurate, and the pilot's flat result over the three months is exactly what we should expect: handing a device to a randomly chosen group adds no new frugal habits. Both facts survive. B is tempting, but it only covers some pilot households. A subgroup cannot account for the whole group's average staying flat, so the reconciliation is incomplete. C introduces insulation rebates, which would tend to lower consumption during the pilot — that makes the flat result stranger, not clearer. D describes regional temperature preferences shared by households with and without the devices, so it explains no difference between the groups. The stem also tells us weather was typical. E gives participants more feedback, which should strengthen savings — again deepening the puzzle. Takeaway: when a controlled trial contradicts an observational claim, look first for self-selection. And beware the quantifier "some" — it rarely explains a whole group's average.
A museum extended its closing time from 5 p.m. to 10 p.m. three nights a week. One would expect longer public hours to increase staff overtime costs, yet the museum reports a 20 percent decrease in overtime spending over the following quarter. Attendance remained healthy on late nights, and no galleries were closed during those hours. The museum did not reduce daytime programming.
Which of the following, if true, most helps resolve the apparent paradox?
Explanation: The paradox is that longer hours came with lower overtime spending. The right answer explains the cost mechanism directly: by covering the new evening hours with scheduled part-time staff who cannot earn overtime, the museum served more hours while spending less on overtime. That reconciles the two facts. Lower late-evening attendance than afternoons is irrelevant, because healthy attendance is already stated and attendance levels do not determine overtime pay. Volunteers helping with occasional book signings is too narrow and shop-specific to explain a museum-wide 20 percent overtime drop, and unpaid help at a few events touches only a sliver of staffing. A hiring freeze on curatorial and research positions affects salaried roles that are not the source of hourly overtime, so it does not explain the change. Fewer guards per gallery for one temporary exhibition might trim some hours, but it applies to a single show, not to the overall late-hour staffing that would drive overtime up, so it cannot account for the broad decrease. Only the shift-to-part-time answer targets the overtime cost itself.
A neighborhood bistro recently began receiving much higher online ratings, with reviews praising its cuisine and service. However, over the same three-month period, the restaurant's dine-in traffic declined compared to the previous year. The chef and owner find it puzzling that better word of mouth appears to have coincided with fewer people eating in. Prices, hours, and the menu were unchanged, and there were no nearby restaurant openings during that time.
Which of the following, if true, most helps to resolve the paradox?
Explanation: The puzzle is that ratings rose while dine-in traffic fell, with prices, hours, menu, and competition unchanged. The takeout answer resolves this: a newly advertised, popular delivery-and-takeout program could pull customers out of the dining room while generating enthusiastic reviews, so ratings climb even as fewer people eat in. The live-music option actually deepens the paradox—it would draw MORE people into the dining room, not fewer. The parking-meter option offers a possible reason dine-in fell but does nothing to explain why ratings simultaneously improved, so it addresses only half the puzzle. The dessert option explains why reviews might be enthusiastic but gives no reason dine-in traffic would drop; praising food is consistent with people eating in. The rival-closure option would, if anything, send more diners toward this bistro, so it predicts rising dine-in traffic—the opposite of what happened. Only the takeout program links improved reviews to reduced dine-in through a single mechanism.
A neighborhood library extended its closing time from 6 p.m. to 10 p.m., expecting the longer hours to increase visits. Instead, total monthly visitor counts did not rise, and physical checkouts fell slightly. Public transit schedules serving the library were unchanged, and the library's collection budget stayed the same. Staff are uncertain why keeping the building open later did not translate into more in-person use.
Which of the following, if true, most helps explain why later hours did not increase in-person visits?
Explanation: You need something that explains why longer hours failed to bring more people in. The launch of a popular e-book app does exactly that: if patrons can now borrow from home, borrowing shifts online, which offsets any gains from the later closing time and matches both the flat visitor count and the slight drop in physical checkouts. The new chairs and fresh paint would, if anything, make the space more appealing and raise visits, so they work against the observed result. Cheaper nearby parking would also encourage more people to come, not fewer, so it deepens the puzzle rather than resolving it. The extra author talks and book clubs are designed to pull patrons in during the very hours in question, so they too predict a rise, not a plateau. A steady number of cardholders is consistent with the situation but explains nothing about the timing or the direction of the change, since the same people could have visited more or less. Only the e-book app gives a reason the in-person numbers stayed flat while the building stayed open longer.
After analyzing costs, a museum shortened its weekday public hours by two hours. Surprisingly, average daily weekday attendance rose by 20 percent in the month after the change. Ticket prices, advertising spend, and docent staffing levels stayed the same, and weekend policies were unchanged. The museum did not move to a new location. How could reducing the number of open hours correspond with an increase in average daily attendance?
Which of the following, if true, most helps to reconcile the museum's reduced hours with increased daily attendance?
Explanation: The puzzle is how fewer open hours could go with more daily visitors. The reservation answer resolves it directly: timed entry smooths arrivals and removes bottlenecks, so more visitors enter per hour. Even with a shorter day, a higher admission rate can lift total daily attendance. The gift shop change affects what visitors spend, not how many enter, so it leaves the count untouched. Added lobby benches make visits more comfortable but do nothing to raise the number of admissions. The new parking garage sits three miles away and leaves the museum's own parking unchanged, so it offers no reason more people would arrive. Shortening docent tours frees up guides but does not increase how many visitors can be admitted. Only the timed-entry option raises the rate of admissions, which is exactly what is needed to explain a rise in daily attendance despite fewer hours.
A restaurant chain introduced a simplified menu and reports that kitchen errors, such as incorrect side dishes and missing items, decreased based on managers' incident logs. Yet customer feedback collected through the chain's mobile app shows an increase in complaints about inaccurate orders during the same weeks. The chain did not change its ingredient suppliers, and it did not switch to a new point-of-sale system. Both the incident logs and the app feedback are said to cover all locations and to be compiled daily throughout the period.
Which one of the following, if true, most helps to resolve the apparent discrepancy in the information above?
Explanation: This is a paradox: managers' logs show fewer kitchen errors after the menu change, yet app complaints about inaccurate orders rise in the same weeks. To resolve it, you need something that lets both facts be true at once. The correct answer does exactly this by revealing the two sources use different criteria: managers log only errors that trigger a refund, while the app captures complaints even without a refund. So logged errors can fall while total complaints climb — no contradiction. The option about fewer side dishes explains why the menu was simplified but says nothing about why complaints increased, so it leaves the discrepancy untouched. The option about customers ordering in person doesn't connect kitchen accuracy to app feedback, and if anything fewer app orders would predict fewer app complaints, not more. The option about newly hired, undertrained staff would tend to raise real errors, which should show up in the managers' logs too — it deepens the puzzle rather than dissolving it. The promotion that boosted order volume might raise the raw number of complaints, but it would also raise the number of kitchen errors managers log, so it fails to explain why the two measures move in opposite directions. Only the differing reporting standards let the logs drop while app complaints grow.