Liberty, Equality & Security — Analyze tensions between liberty, equality, and security - College Political Science

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Historical Context & Motivation

The tension between liberty, equality, and security constitutes one of the oldest and most consequential debates in Western political thought. From the earliest social contract theorists to contemporary debates over surveillance states and redistributive taxation, political communities have struggled to reconcile these three values. Each value, taken to its logical extreme, threatens to undermine the others, creating a dynamic equilibrium that every political order must negotiate. Understanding this triadic tension is essential for analyzing constitutions, policy design, judicial reasoning, and democratic legitimacy in modern states. The trajectory of this debate stretches across centuries and continents, animated by revolutions, constitutional crises, and paradigm-shifting works of political philosophy.

1651 • Hobbes's Leviathan

Thomas Hobbes argues that individuals must surrender natural liberty to a sovereign in exchange for security from the violent state of nature, establishing the foundational trade-off between freedom and order.

1689 • Locke's Two Treatises

John Locke reframes the social contract to protect natural rights — life, liberty, and property — asserting that government legitimacy depends on safeguarding individual freedom, not merely ensuring survival.

1762 • Rousseau's Social Contract

Jean-Jacques Rousseau introduces the general will, arguing that true freedom requires civic equality and that legitimate authority flows from collective self-governance rather than individual consent alone.

1859 • Mill's On Liberty

John Stuart Mill articulates the harm principle, drawing the sharpest classical liberal boundary between individual liberty and collective authority, and warning against the 'tyranny of the majority.'

1971 • Rawls's A Theory of Justice

John Rawls proposes the difference principle and the priority of basic liberties, offering a systematic framework for balancing liberty and equality within a just institutional structure.

This historical arc reveals a persistent question: can a political order maximize liberty, equality, and security simultaneously, or must it make structural trade-offs among them? Every constitutional framework, from the French Declaration of the Rights of Man to the post-9/11 security architecture, implicitly answers this question. The challenge for political theory is to map these trade-offs with analytical precision, identify the normative principles that should guide them, and evaluate the institutional mechanisms through which they are enacted.

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Core Principles & Definitions

Before analyzing the tensions among liberty, equality, and security, it is essential to establish precise working definitions of each concept. Political theorists have long recognized that these terms are essentially contested concepts — terms whose proper meaning is itself a subject of political dispute. Isaiah Berlin's distinction between negative liberty (freedom from interference) and positive liberty (freedom to achieve self-realization) demonstrates that even a single value harbors internal tensions. Similarly, equality can refer to formal legal standing, equal opportunity, or substantive equality of outcome, each generating radically different policy implications.

Liberty

The condition of being free from arbitrary coercion (negative liberty) or possessing the resources and capacity for autonomous self-determination (positive liberty). Classical liberalism privileges the former; social democracy and republicanism emphasize the latter. The boundary of legitimate state action is liberty's central question.

Equality

The principle that individuals possess equal moral worth and are entitled to equal treatment by the state. Formal equality requires identical application of law; substantive equality demands redistribution of resources or structural conditions. Tensions arise between equality of opportunity and equality of outcome.

Security

The protection of individuals and the political community from violence, disorder, and existential threat. Security encompasses physical safety, economic stability, and collective defense. It provides the precondition for exercising both liberty and equality, yet its expansion frequently constrains them.

The Trilemma

The structural impossibility of maximizing all three values simultaneously. Expanding one value typically contracts another: redistributive equality constrains economic liberty; security measures restrict civil liberties; maximal liberty may produce destabilizing inequalities. Political regimes are defined by how they navigate this trilemma.

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KEY TAKEAWAY

Think of liberty, equality, and security as three vertices of a triangle drawn on a rubber sheet. Pulling the sheet toward any one vertex stretches it away from the other two. A political regime cannot sit at all three corners simultaneously — it must choose a position within the triangle, and that position defines its character. A libertarian order sits near the liberty vertex; a social democracy pulls toward equality; an authoritarian security state hugs the security corner. The art of democratic governance lies in finding a position that reflects the community's values while remaining dynamically adjustable as circumstances change.

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The Trilemma Triangle — A Visual Framework

The triangle maps ideal-type regime positions. Social democracies gravitate toward equality and liberty; classical liberal regimes cluster near the liberty vertex; authoritarian states pull toward security. A liberal democracy occupies a centrist position, attempting to balance all three values through constitutional constraints, judicial review, and democratic deliberation.

The trilemma triangle is not merely an abstract schema but a diagnostic tool for analyzing real political systems. Consider the position of a regime within this space as a function of its constitutional design, policy commitments, and institutional practices. A state that enshrines strong property rights and minimal regulation — such as the United States in the Lochner era — occupies a position near the liberty vertex but farther from equality. Conversely, a Scandinavian welfare state redistributes aggressively toward equality while still maintaining robust civil liberties, positioning it in the upper-left quadrant of the triangle. A national-security state that expands surveillance powers and restricts civil liberties after a terrorist attack shifts its position toward the security vertex, often at the expense of both liberty and equality. The triangle thus captures the dynamic, contested, and historically contingent nature of these trade-offs.

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Mechanisms of Tension — How Values Collide

Liberty vs. Equality

The tension between liberty and equality is perhaps the most extensively theorized in the Western canon. Friedrich Hayek argued in The Constitution of Liberty (1960) that substantive equality could only be achieved through coercive redistribution, which necessarily violated individual freedom. For Hayek, the rule of law demands formal equality — identical treatment under general rules — but any attempt to equalize outcomes requires discretionary state power that erodes the predictability and neutrality on which liberty depends. Conversely, Amartya Sen and the capabilities approach contend that formal liberty is meaningless without the substantive resources to exercise it — a starving person's freedom of speech is an empty abstraction. This debate reveals that the liberty-equality tension is partly a function of which conception of liberty one adopts. Negative liberty tends to conflict with substantive equality; positive liberty often requires it.

Liberty vs. Security

The liberty-security trade-off is most visible in moments of crisis. The passage of the USA PATRIOT Act in 2001 expanded government surveillance powers dramatically, curtailing privacy and due process rights in the name of counterterrorism. Benjamin Franklin's famous aphorism — 'Those who would give up essential Liberty, to purchase a little temporary Safety, deserve neither Liberty nor Safety' — captures the normative suspicion that security justifications can become pretexts for authoritarian overreach. Yet the Hobbesian tradition insists that without the sovereign's monopoly on legitimate violence, life remains 'solitary, poor, nasty, brutish, and short.' Carl Schmitt's concept of the state of exception — in which sovereign authority suspends normal legal protections to address existential threats — reveals how security imperatives can override constitutional liberties entirely, raising the question of whether a state that cannot protect its citizens retains any legitimacy at all.

Equality vs. Security

The equality-security tension is less frequently theorized but no less consequential. Security measures often fall disproportionately on marginalized communities: racial profiling, immigration enforcement, and mass incarceration demonstrate how the pursuit of security can entrench structural inequality. Conversely, radical egalitarian movements — from Jacobin France to Maoist China — have justified severe security measures to protect revolutionary gains, creating authoritarian regimes in the name of equality. The concept of securitization — the discursive process by which an issue is framed as an existential threat — reveals how political actors can invoke security to justify policies that deepen inequality. Understanding this mechanism is critical for evaluating contemporary debates over immigration, policing, and economic protectionism.

This diagram maps the three dyadic tensions: liberty vs. equality (redistribution and property rights), liberty vs. security (surveillance and civil liberties), and equality vs. security (disproportionate enforcement and revolutionary authoritarianism).

SECTION 5

Theoretical Frameworks for Navigating the Trilemma

Political theorists have proposed several systematic frameworks for adjudicating among liberty, equality, and security. These frameworks do not eliminate the tensions but provide principled methods for managing them. Understanding these approaches is essential for evaluating policy arguments and constitutional design across different political traditions.

Framework	Core Position	Priority Ordering	Key Thinker(s)
Classical Liberalism	Negative liberty is the supreme value; the state's role is limited to protecting rights and maintaining order.	Liberty > Security > Equality	Locke, Mill, Hayek, Nozick
Egalitarian Liberalism	Basic liberties have lexical priority, but inequalities must benefit the least advantaged (difference principle).	Liberty ≥ Equality > Security	Rawls, Dworkin
Civic Republicanism	Freedom as non-domination; requires active civic participation and structural equality to prevent arbitrary power.	Equality ≈ Liberty > Security	Rousseau, Pettit, Skinner
Communitarianism	Values are embedded in community traditions; security of cultural identity may override abstract liberty claims.	Community norms shape ordering	MacIntyre, Sandel, Taylor
Realist / Hobbesian	Security is the precondition for all other values; without order, neither liberty nor equality is possible.	Security > Liberty > Equality	Hobbes, Schmitt, Morgenthau

Major theoretical frameworks and their priority orderings among liberty, equality, and security.

Rawls's framework deserves special attention for its systematic rigor. His lexical priority of basic liberties means that no amount of equality or security gain can justify curtailing fundamental freedoms such as speech, assembly, and conscience. This lexical ordering operates as a side constraint: equality-promoting policies are permissible only insofar as they do not violate the first principle of equal basic liberties. However, Rawls acknowledged that in conditions of severe disorder, the preconditions for exercising basic liberties might require temporary security measures — an implicit concession to the Hobbesian insight. The capabilities approach developed by Sen and Martha Nussbaum offers a different resolution, arguing that the relevant metric is not formal liberty or material equality per se, but rather the set of real freedoms — capabilities — that individuals can actually exercise. This framework reframes the trilemma: rather than choosing among abstract values, the question becomes which institutional arrangements expand the capability set for all citizens.

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Philip Pettit's Freedom as Non-Domination

Pettit's republican conception of freedom — as the absence of arbitrary power over others — offers a distinctive resolution. Unlike negative liberty (which requires only non-interference), non-domination requires structural conditions that prevent anyone from having the capacity to interfere arbitrarily, even if they choose not to exercise it. This reframes the equality-liberty tension: structural equality is not a constraint on freedom but a constitutive element of it.

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Worked Example — Analyzing Post-9/11 Security Policy

To illustrate how the trilemma operates in practice, consider the following analytical exercise: apply the liberty-equality-security framework to evaluate the USA PATRIOT Act (2001) and its implications for civil liberties and equal treatment.

Analyzing the USA PATRIOT Act Through the Trilemma Framework

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Step 1 — Identify the Security Justification

The PATRIOT Act was enacted six weeks after the September 11 attacks in response to an existential security threat. Section 215 expanded government authority to obtain 'any tangible things' (including phone records and library records) relevant to counterterrorism investigations, while Section 206 authorized roving wiretaps. The security rationale was clear: intelligence agencies argued they needed broader surveillance powers to detect and prevent future attacks. This represents a classic securitization move — framing the issue as an existential threat requiring extraordinary measures.

Security imperative: expanded surveillance authority justified by existential threat framing.
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Step 2 — Map the Liberty Costs

The Act curtailed multiple dimensions of negative liberty. Fourth Amendment protections against unreasonable search and seizure were weakened by lowering the evidentiary standard from 'probable cause' to 'relevance.' The Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Court (FISC) operated in secret, eliminating the transparency mechanisms that constrain state power. Edward Snowden's 2013 revelations demonstrated that NSA bulk metadata collection affected virtually all Americans, not merely suspected terrorists. Using Berlin's framework, this represents a significant contraction of negative liberty — freedom from state interference in private life.

Liberty cost: erosion of Fourth Amendment protections, secret courts, mass surveillance.
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Step 3 — Assess the Equality Impact

Security measures disproportionately affected Muslim Americans, Arab Americans, and South Asian Americans. The 'special registration' program (NSEERS) required males from 25 predominantly Muslim countries to register with immigration authorities. FBI informant programs targeted mosques and Muslim community organizations. This reveals the equality-security tension: the security apparatus did not operate with formal equality but instead imposed differential burdens on specific ethno-religious communities, violating both equal protection norms and the principle that state coercion should be general rather than targeted.

Equality cost: disproportionate surveillance burden on Muslim and Arab American communities.
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Step 4 — Apply Theoretical Frameworks

A Rawlsian analysis would evaluate whether the PATRIOT Act's provisions could be justified from behind the veil of ignorance. If one did not know whether one would be a member of a targeted minority community, would one consent to differential surveillance? The lexical priority of basic liberties suggests that mass surveillance violates the first principle and cannot be justified by security gains. A Hobbesian analysis, however, might counter that the state's primary obligation is to preserve the physical safety of its subjects, and that any liberty exercised in a condition of insecurity is illusory. A republican framework (Pettit) would emphasize that secret surveillance constitutes domination — the government possesses arbitrary power over citizens regardless of whether it exercises it in any particular case.

Rawls: fails lexical priority test. Hobbes: justifiable. Pettit: constitutes domination.
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Step 5 — Evaluate Institutional Responses

The USA FREEDOM Act (2015) partially recalibrated the balance by ending bulk metadata collection and increasing FISC transparency. This institutional response illustrates that the trilemma is not static but subject to democratic renegotiation. Judicial review (e.g., ACLU v. Clapper), legislative reform, and public advocacy all serve as mechanisms for adjusting the regime's position within the trilemma triangle over time. The case demonstrates that the relevant question is not whether tensions exist — they inevitably do — but whether a political system possesses the institutional capacity to renegotiate trade-offs in response to changing circumstances and evolving public values.

Institutional recalibration: the trilemma is dynamic, not static; democratic processes adjust trade-offs over time.

SECTION 7

Strengths & Limitations of Major Frameworks

No single theoretical framework resolves the liberty-equality-security trilemma definitively. Each offers distinctive analytical strengths while suffering from characteristic limitations. Evaluating these strengths and limitations equips students to select the most appropriate framework for a given analytical context and to recognize the normative commitments embedded in any particular resolution.

Framework	Strengths	Limitations
Rawlsian Justice	Systematic, principled ordering of values; veil of ignorance produces impartial judgments; accommodates both liberty and equality.	Assumes rational deliberation; weak on security threats; culturally specific to Western liberalism; difficulty operationalizing the difference principle.
Classical Liberalism	Clear limiting principle (harm principle); protects individual autonomy; constrains state overreach.	Ignores structural inequality; treats freedom as purely negative; inadequate response to collective security threats.
Civic Republicanism	Reframes liberty as non-domination, integrating structural equality; attentive to power asymmetries; participatory.	Demands high levels of civic engagement; may be paternalistic; tension between community self-governance and individual dissent.
Hobbesian Realism	Takes security seriously; recognizes that liberty presupposes order; analytically powerful in crisis situations.	Provides weak constraints on sovereign power; tends toward authoritarianism; neglects distributive justice entirely.
Capabilities Approach	Focuses on real freedoms; transcends abstract liberty-equality binary; culturally adaptable; empirically grounded.	Difficulty specifying a canonical list of capabilities; resource-intensive; silent on who decides the threshold for 'adequate' capabilities.

Comparative evaluation of five major frameworks for resolving the trilemma.

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KEY TAKEAWAY

Choosing a theoretical framework is itself a political act. Just as an engineer selecting a structural model for a bridge must understand both the load conditions and the model's failure modes, a political analyst selecting a normative framework must understand the context in which it will be applied and the blind spots it creates. No framework is 'correct' in the abstract; each is a lens that illuminates certain features of the trilemma while obscuring others. The critical skill is not choosing the 'right' framework but knowing when and why to deploy each one, and being transparent about its limitations.

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Connections to Advanced Theory

The liberty-equality-security trilemma connects to several advanced theoretical developments in contemporary political theory and adjacent disciplines. Students who master the foundational framework are well positioned to engage with these more sophisticated bodies of scholarship, each of which extends, critiques, or transforms the basic analysis.

Foundational Concept	Advanced Extension	Key Move
Liberty vs. security trade-off	Giorgio Agamben — State of Exception / Bare Life	The exception is not temporary but constitutive of modern sovereignty; security logic permanently suspends rights for those deemed outside political community.
Equality and redistribution	Thomas Piketty — Capital and Ideology	Empirical analysis of wealth concentration reveals that without active redistribution, market economies generate inequality levels incompatible with democratic stability.
Securitization	Copenhagen School — Buzan, Wæver, de Wilde	Security is a speech act: issues become 'security' threats through discursive framing, enabling extraordinary measures that bypass normal democratic deliberation.
Positive liberty and capabilities	Intersectionality — Crenshaw, Collins	Liberty and equality are experienced differently depending on intersecting identities (race, gender, class); the trilemma must be analyzed through the lens of structural power.
Democratic renegotiation of trade-offs	Deliberative Democracy — Habermas, Dryzek	Legitimate trade-offs require inclusive, reason-giving deliberation rather than majoritarian aggregation or technocratic imposition.

How the foundational trilemma connects to advanced theoretical programs.

These advanced extensions share a common insight: the trilemma is not merely a problem of abstract value ordering but is embedded in material structures of power, identity, and discourse. Agamben's work reveals that the 'state of exception' is not an aberration but a permanent feature of modern sovereignty, collapsing the distinction between norm and exception upon which liberal constitutionalism depends. Piketty's empirical research demonstrates that without deliberate institutional design, the dynamics of capital accumulation produce inequality levels that undermine both democratic equality and the social trust on which security depends. The Copenhagen School's securitization theory shows that security itself is a politically constructed category: what counts as a 'threat' is determined by speech acts performed by political elites, not by objective conditions. Together, these developments suggest that navigating the trilemma requires not only normative theory but also empirical analysis of power, critical attention to discourse, and institutional creativity.

SECTION 9

Practice Problems

Question 1: CONCEPTUAL

Explain the distinction between negative liberty and positive liberty as articulated by Isaiah Berlin. Why does this distinction matter for the relationship between liberty and equality?

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Negative liberty refers to freedom from external interference — the absence of coercion by other persons or by the state. Positive liberty refers to freedom to achieve self-realization and autonomous self-governance — having the resources, education, and conditions necessary to live a meaningful life. This distinction is critical for the liberty-equality relationship because negative liberty tends to conflict with redistributive equality (taxation and regulation constitute interference), while positive liberty often requires substantive equality (people need material resources to exercise real autonomy). A theorist who adopts the negative conception, like Hayek, will see equality-promoting policies as liberty-reducing; a theorist who adopts the positive conception, like Sen, will see them as liberty-enhancing. The choice of liberty concept thus predetermines much of the analysis.

Question 2: BASIC APPLICATION

Using the trilemma triangle model, identify where you would position a Scandinavian welfare state (e.g., Sweden) and explain why. Which vertex does it pull toward, and which tension does it manage most explicitly?

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A Scandinavian welfare state would be positioned in the upper-left region of the triangle, relatively close to the equality vertex but also maintaining significant proximity to the liberty vertex. Sweden combines high levels of redistributive taxation and comprehensive social services (pulling toward equality) with robust protections for civil liberties, press freedom, and democratic participation (maintaining proximity to liberty). It is farther from the security vertex because it generally prioritizes social trust and transparent governance over coercive security measures. The most explicitly managed tension is between liberty and equality: the Swedish model accepts constraints on economic liberty (high marginal tax rates, labor market regulation) in exchange for substantive equality of opportunity through universal healthcare, education, and social insurance. The legitimacy of this trade-off depends on broad democratic consent and high social trust.

Question 3: INTERMEDIATE

The COVID-19 pandemic prompted governments worldwide to impose lockdowns, vaccine mandates, and contact tracing programs. Analyze these measures through the liberty-equality-security framework. Identify at least two specific tensions and evaluate them using one of the theoretical frameworks discussed in the lesson.

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COVID-19 policies activated multiple tensions simultaneously. First, the liberty-security tension: lockdowns and vaccine mandates restricted freedom of movement, assembly, and bodily autonomy in the name of public health security. Governments argued that controlling viral spread was necessary to prevent healthcare system collapse — a security-of-life argument. Mill's harm principle provides partial justification: since unvaccinated individuals impose externality risks on others, mandates fall within the legitimate scope of state authority. However, critics invoked negative liberty to argue that bodily autonomy is a fundamental right that cannot be overridden even by collective benefit. Second, the equality-security tension: lockdown measures disproportionately burdened low-income workers, racial minorities, and women (who bore disproportionate caregiving responsibilities). Remote work was available primarily to professional-class employees, creating a two-tier system of pandemic experience. A Rawlsian analysis behind the veil of ignorance would ask whether rational agents would consent to lockdowns knowing they might be essential workers unable to work remotely. The difference principle would require that any restriction benefit the least advantaged — suggesting that lockdowns without robust income support and equitable vaccine distribution fail Rawlsian justice requirements.

Question 4: APPLIED

Consider the debate over content moderation on social media platforms. Private companies like Meta and X (formerly Twitter) make decisions about what speech to allow, amplify, or suppress. Analyze this issue through the trilemma framework, addressing the following: (a) Does corporate content moderation implicate liberty, equality, or security — or all three? (b) How does the public/private distinction complicate the analysis? (c) What institutional design would best navigate the relevant tensions?

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Content moderation implicates all three values. Liberty is at stake because platform decisions determine who can speak and be heard in the contemporary public sphere; censoring political speech restricts expressive freedom, while allowing unlimited speech may enable harassment that silences marginalized voices (a positive-liberty concern). Security is invoked to justify removing content that incites violence, spreads disinformation about public health, or enables terrorist recruitment. Equality is affected because moderation algorithms and enforcement patterns often disproportionately impact minority communities, non-English speakers, and political dissidents in authoritarian states. The public/private distinction complicates the analysis profoundly: classical liberal theory treats private actors as outside the scope of liberty constraints (only the state can violate rights), but when a handful of corporations control the infrastructure of public discourse, their decisions function as de facto governance. Pettit's republican framework is particularly illuminating here: platform power constitutes domination because corporations possess arbitrary power to silence users without democratic accountability, even if they rarely exercise it. An optimal institutional design might include transparent algorithmic standards, independent oversight boards with genuine enforcement authority, regulatory frameworks requiring due process for content removal (analogous to administrative law protections), and interoperability mandates that reduce platform monopoly power. The goal is not to eliminate tensions but to subject their resolution to accountable, transparent, and inclusive governance mechanisms.

Question 5: CRITICAL THINKING

Some scholars argue that the liberty-equality-security trilemma is fundamentally a product of Western liberal political thought and does not adequately capture the political values and trade-offs operative in non-Western traditions (e.g., Confucian political theory, Ubuntu philosophy, or Islamic political thought). Evaluate this critique. Does the trilemma framework have universal analytical applicability, or is it culturally specific? If the latter, what modifications or alternative frameworks might be needed to analyze value tensions in non-Western contexts?

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This critique has significant merit and raises fundamental questions about the universality of liberal political categories. The trilemma framework presupposes an individualistic ontology — the idea that the primary unit of political analysis is the autonomous individual bearing rights against the state — which is not shared by all political traditions. Confucian political theory, for example, emphasizes relational harmony (和, hé), filial piety, and virtuous governance rather than individual rights; the relevant tensions might involve hierarchy vs. meritocracy vs. social harmony rather than liberty vs. equality vs. security. Ubuntu philosophy ('I am because we are') grounds political values in communal solidarity and mutual recognition, potentially dissolving the liberty-equality tension by treating individual flourishing as constitutively dependent on communal well-being. Islamic political thought includes concepts of maṣlaḥa (public interest), shūrā (consultation), and ʿadl (justice) that structure value trade-offs differently from the liberal trilemma. However, the critique should not be overstated. The experience of state coercion, material inequality, and physical insecurity is universal, even if the conceptual categories used to analyze them vary across traditions. A more productive approach than discarding the trilemma would be to treat it as one possible mapping of political value tensions — useful in liberal-democratic contexts but requiring modification or replacement in others. Comparative political theory, as practiced by scholars like Leigh Jenco and Fred Dallmayr, seeks to develop analytical frameworks that can travel across cultural contexts without imposing Western categories as universal norms. This involves attending to the specific vocabularies, institutional forms, and historical experiences through which different traditions negotiate their own trilemmas.

SUMMARY

Summary

The liberty-equality-security trilemma represents a foundational structural tension in political theory. Liberty — whether conceived as negative freedom from interference or positive freedom to self-realization — conflicts with equality when redistribution constrains individual autonomy, and with security when surveillance and coercive measures curtail civil liberties. Equality and security tension manifests when security measures fall disproportionately on marginalized communities or when egalitarian regimes invoke security logic to consolidate power. The trilemma triangle provides a visual mapping of regime positions within this value space, from classical liberal systems near the liberty vertex to social democracies gravitating toward equality.

Major theoretical frameworks — including Rawlsian egalitarian liberalism, classical liberalism, civic republicanism, the capabilities approach, and Hobbesian realism — offer competing priority orderings and institutional prescriptions for managing these trade-offs. Advanced extensions, including securitization theory, Agamben's state of exception, and intersectional analysis, reveal that the trilemma is embedded in structures of power, discourse, and identity. The critical skill for political analysis is not resolving the trilemma definitively but recognizing its structural persistence, evaluating the normative assumptions embedded in any particular resolution, and assessing whether institutional mechanisms allow for democratic renegotiation of trade-offs as circumstances evolve.